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Sclcclir?g {his opricin tviil :iiii;:n cop~,~-ighr ctirdent rco ~tic Ccllc~c. -i'l~l? in irci -i?-;ty prci.liider :r :r~ii!liii-I-on: 1:itcr pi~!?iiiliiilg 1iiiAli.i-\v?;cil-k:tl~i:iiirclcni .i~i?~~ld, ~O\VCYCI.. IICC~ 10 cii11i;lc1tile .\r.clli\ei fill-a pci-~~ii\ciiii~ \ioi~ld !?c hei: in thi.; c;tsc ro aico grant pcl-rniiiicoi> f,i.rn. 'X'i-rc ;II.CIIILC\ ti) ailother rcicai~~i?ei iC; 111e ,~!~~cl~i\c~ 1vot11dht; in ~OLIC\I to ICI k1113it-1.11at SLICIT a kvitl~tlic ii~~tl~t>r ~~I~IT! ~-;ili~ciitiriii ~L"CIIi7)iiij~. I/we wish to retain literary property rights to the thesis for a period of three years, at which time the literary property rights shall be assigned to Williams College. Scici ritlg th~i optEoi>1'11 e\# i!~i* ,:icu j~;"r-, in'ikc cxc1uii:c n\r of the thc--i\ rn rtp-comn'nz ,ii~rl~or 10 prOJt'C b, 'i1 {IL lei jeitCi 1 C~LAI~*flCIS / 1I/we wish to retain literary property rights to the thesis for a period of I 0 years, e~ ,at which time the literary property rights shall be assigned to Williams College. Selci.iir?g this coption ;~llo~-i-c the aiitlic~r fr-(';i! flexibility in ccierzdix~gcn.shor-rcr~ing'rile time of iiilcii iri t.i\ir~y tlicii. "lj1cci-, in gr;~illi;~!c i?iiool work. In illik caw. it \-{-ouid inakc scrrw for ii~crn to enter a r?riinbcrcuch 21.: 710 3ic;il-s' in the blank. and liric out ihc \\r\rdi '01. iiiltil iliy iie;itli, ~.fliihc~.er Ti? ;lily event, it is ii tllc liirtr.' e:$.;icr fix iiii. :2i.cfiivci I:J :!tiiliii~i>icii:opy~.igl~t 3 iii;ii~i~\i:i.iptif I~ICpcriiiil rt?tis TVCCII the iitdivitia:.il'c iic;iili- ot~;'iiali'\von'i 1i;il-c io ir;i;cli !i,r cctatib cxccrltor.; iiri rhii c,:ric--lwt this is cntircly tip to each o~ix ~rori "These Innocent Tales" Family and Nation in the Grimms' Kinder- und Hausmarchen by Emily Bruce Alexandra Garbarini, Advisor A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in History WILLIAMS COLLEGE Williamstown, Massachusetts April 16, 2007 We find it reassuring, when a storm or other calamity sent from heaven beats an entire crop to the ground, that a little spot by low hedges or bushes which line the path has still been saved.. .So it is to us, whenever we study the wealth of German poetry in early times, and then see that out of so much, nothing was kept alive, even the memory of it was lost, and only folk songs and these remaining innocent hearth tales are left to us. Wir finden es wohl, wenn Sturm oder anderes Ungluck, vom Himmel geschickt, eine ganze Saat zu Boden geschlagen, d& noch bei niedrigen Hecken oder Strauchen, die am Wege Stehen, ein kleiner Pl& sich gesichert ...So ist es uns, wenn wir den Reichtum deutscher Dichtung in fruhen Zeiten betrachten, und dann sehen, d& von so vielem nichts lebendig sich erhalten, selbst die Erinnerung daran verloren war, und nur Volkslieder, und diese unschuldigen Hausmarchen ubrig geblieben sind. -Jacob and Wilhlem Grimm Preface to Kinder- und Hausmarchen 1812 Acknowledgments Introduction Part I: Family Formation Spouse Selection Matrimony Part 11: Family Propagation Longing for Children Extramarital Conceptions Conclusion Tales Cited in the Thesis Bibliography I thank first Emma Reynolds, who is irreplaceable in my life in many dimensions and was essential to hs project as my best thesis gossip buddy. Sarah Ginsburg, Sarah Kwak, the most supportive Bethans imaginable, and the companionship of the thesis seminar and Sawyer Thrd were invaluable as I undertook hs thesis. Thank you to Lori DuBois and the wonderful people at ILL, who provided me with nearly every copy of the Kinder- und Hausmarchen on the Eastern Seaboard. Thanks also to Bob Volz and Wayne Hammond at the Chapin Library. Several important readers of hs thesis made insightful suggestions, asking me questions that carried the work farther than I could alone. Thank you to Will Curtiss, Regina Kunzel, Rchard Rodriguez, Karen Hughes, Chip Bruce, and Susan Bruce. Thanks to Karen also for consuming the oeuvre of Andrew Lang with me and always for her unconditional and faithful friendshp, whch the Grimms would have admired. To my family, my inexpressible gratitude for this education-and I promise you won't have to read my dissertation the week before irs due. Chris Waters has gven precious advice and support to all of us through the l-ustory honors seminar, but I am particularly grateful for hs willingness to answer late-night emails, discuss my work with me throughout the year, and find every missing comma. Thank you to Libby leffer for teachng me German. Finally, my greatest debt is to Ali Garbarini. At Williams I suppose it is not uncommon for thesis writers to feel good fortune in their advisors. But I think that Brian Van Wyck and I have a particular claim to the "most generous" advisor award. I could not have written this thesis without our conversations, the lund encouragement, and gentle reminders that, for example, paragraphs should have points. Thank you for being willing to take on hs project and me, and I hope that I've managed to express some of the ideas that arose from our discussions. Outnumbered and divided, the Prussian army collapsed after facing Napoleon's forces on October 14, 1806, ending any chance that a German state would play an active role in the reorganization of Central Europe. Instead, at the 1807 Treaty of Tilsit, the French Emperor and Tsar Alexander I of Russia together transformed the map of German lungdoms into consolidated states and enforced the humiliation of French occupation.' Whle the Prussians and the French were engaged during that same year of 1806, a newspaper article appeared calling for the collection of German folktales "completely without any romantic prettifications or additions.. .all foreign admixture and embellishment [was] to be removed."' Ths desire to promote German customs and literature was fervently shared by a young man who took a position in 1806 with the Hessian War Commission to support hs widowed mother and younger siblings. Jacob Grimm, who was 21 when he began worhng for the War Commission, wrote long letters to hls brother Wilhelm about hs studies of old German poetry and mythology. When Jacob lost hs position after the Treaty of Tilsit, he kept pursuing these interests whle worlung as the personal librarian for the new Westphalian King Jkrcime (Napoleon's br~ther).~ As the Grimms' scholarly James Sheehan, Gern~anHistory 1770-1866 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 234-249. "Ganz ohne alle romantische Verschonergung und Zuthat.. .alle fremdartige Beimischung und Ausschmiickung [ist] davon abzuscheiden.' Karl Teuthold Heinze, newspaper clipping inside the Grimms' personal copy of Dezatsche Sagen, quoted in and translated by Ruth Bottigheimer, Grilnins' Bad Girls nizd Bold Boys (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 4. Jack Zipes, The Brothers Grimm: Fronl Encllanted Forests to tlze Modertl World (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 9-14. interest became a professional one, German cultural nationalism continued to inspire their work, even after the end of Napoleonic occupation. The preface to the first publication of the Kinder- und Hausmarchen (the KIIM) in 1812 begns with a melodramatic metaphor about the impending extinction of "the riches of German poetry in early times.""^ proceeds to a discussion of the nature of folktales, expressing admiration for oral traditions of Africa, Greece, Denmark, and more. But it is the "broad dispersion of these German [tales]" that occupied the Grimms, "because they reveal a family lunship among the noblest people [throughout Eur~pe]."~ Like many German Romantics, they were committed to maintaining what they found to be natural, innocent, original German literature, and in hs first edition of their collection, they claimed to have "endeavored to record these tales as purely as po~sible."~ Authenticity was essential to their original goals of cultural preservation. But by the second volume of the first edition, published in 1815, a phlosophcal shft is already apparent in the new preface. After identifying the same virtues of authentic German folk literature, the Grimms wrote, "However, through our collection, we wanted not merely to serve the hstory of poetry and mythology, but it was equally the intention that the poetry itself, whch is alive in it [the collection], take effect: that it give delight wherever it could delight, and also that it would become a proper Erziehungsbuch [manual of manners] ."7 They * "den Reichthum deutscher Dichtung in fruhen Zeiten.. ." "Vorrede," Kinder- und Haus-marchen 1812/ 1815, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 1:v. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own. "die grof3e Ausbreitung dieser deutschen.. ..daf3 sich in ihnen eine Verwandtschaft der edesten Volker offenbart." Ibid., 1:xv. "Wir haben uns bemuht, diese Marchen so rein als moglich war aufzufassen.. ." Ibid., xviii. "Wir wollten indef3 durch unsere Sarnmlung nicht blos der Geschichte der Poesie einen Dienst erweifien, es war zugliech Absicht, daf3 die Poesie selbst, die darin lebendig ist, wirke: erfreue, wen sie erfreuen kann, und darum auch, daf3 ein eigentliches Erziehungsbuch daraus werde." were developing the authority of the collection not merely to preserve culture but also to transmit it to the next generation. Their editing policy expressed in the prefaces shifted, so did the style and messages of the tales. Germanist Maria Tatar writes, "With each new edition, the tales veered more sharply away from the rough-hewn simplicity of their first versions to a sanitized and stylized literary form that proved attractive to both parents and chldren."' By 1815, the Grimms had already made family education a priority to their work, comparing the power of the tales to that of the Bible. In the second edition of 1819, they retreated further from the untouched presentation of orignal forms, admitting in the preface that they had "carefully expunged every expression in this new edition not suitable for ~hildren."~ Whle it is true that many of the orignal oral tales were told for adult entertainment, already chldren were the focus of the Grimms' editing efforts. Ths purging was accompanied by the promotion of tales centered on family relationships, and the Grimms edited the collection to advocate for particular features of an admirable German family. Ths is not to say that the question of German nationalism became any less important to the Grimms than their interest in family education. I-Iistorian James Sheehan describes Jacob Grimm's perspective on political action in this way: "gathering tales from the Volk, uncovering the origns of popular customs, and assembling a hstorical dictionary were as much a contribution to the search for national identity as political agitation and parliamentary debates.. ..he believed "Vorrede," Kinder- und Haus-marchen 18121 1815, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 2:viii. Maria Tatar, The Hard Facts of fhe Grimms' Fairy Tales (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2003),252. "jeden fiir das Kinderalter nicht passenden Ausdruck in dieser neuen Auflage sorgfaltig geloscht." "Vorrede," Kinder- und Hat~smarchen 1819, reprinted in Kinder- und Hausmarchen 1857 ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1984), 1:17. that the aim of hstorical study was to discover the hdden unities at the root of contemporary c~mplexity."'~ In fact, as the Grimms developed the ideal German family in their tales, those relationshps became essentially entwined with the desired German state. Establishng the perfect parameters of the family was thus no simple concession to bourgeois expectations, but part of a broader attempt to promote a unified German culture "in the long-famous realms of German liberty."" At the same time that the Grimms removed tales of foreign orign from the KHM, they hghlighted stories that presented ideal family characteristics. As insistent as these goals are in the text, whch folklorists and hstorians worlung from different paradigms have recognized, several questions still remain. Ths thesis is an examination of family and nation in the German states between 1812 and 1860 through changing representations of family in Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm's folklore collection^.^^ The Grimm brothers were deeply invested in imagning the characteristics and constraints of a unified Germany rooted in a national culture, a culture that included the folklore they were determined to "preserve." Though the Grimms recorded tales from external sources, over a series of editions the brothers themselves made dramatic changes in the tone, characters, and morals of the original oral stories. Motivated both by the political turmoil of their youth under Napoleonic occupation and by cultural loSheehan, German Histoy, 449-550. l1"in den altberiihmten Gegenden deutscher Freiheit. .." "Vorrede," KHNI 1819 reprinted KHM 1857, 1:18. l2I translate the title of this work, Kinder- und Hausmiirclzen, as "Children's and Household Tales," though other scholars (e.g. Maria Tatar) have used the more parallel acknowledgment of place, "Nursery and Household Tales." Also, although many scholars refer only to Wilhelm Grimm, I will reference the dual editors of the book. Wilhelm Grimm had a more direct hand in later stylist editorial decisions, but the brothers lived and worked together every day of their lives. Jacob was most certainly involved in subsequent editions, and it would be impossible to ignore hs influence on his younger brother's intellectual life. movements centered on Romanticism, the Grimms altered the stories to identify or create the origins of a German nation. But how could a collection of fantastic tales serve as an Erziehungsbuch for chldren in reality? The Grimms wrote in the first publication of their work, "all true poetry perpetuates itself because it can never be seen without connection to life."13 In the case of the KHM, the connection to life is deeply bound up in tales of family. Family relationships are central in the fairy tales they collected, and the representations of family also underwent significant changes after the first edition of the stories was published in 1812115. As a result, the portraits of families in the tales offer insights into the Grimms' vision of ideal character traits--or of undesirable choices. These fictional families served as models to chldren who read the KHM in the early nineteenth century for what they ought to expect and desire for their own families. In hs thesis I explore what such transformations can tell us about the relationship of family to the state, as envisioned by the Grimms and fellow bourgeois intellectuals advocating for German cultural unification. I also investigate how nationalism continually changed conceptions of the family. How did they reimagine the structure of the family to fit in the new state? And how did the Grimms' representations of family relate to the changes German families actually experienced during the first half of the nineteenth century? l3 "jede achte Poesie, da13 sie niemals ohne Beziehung auf das Leben sehn kann.. ." "Vorrede," KHM 181211815, 1:xiii. Context and Historiography Jacob Grimm was born in 1785 and hs brother Wilhelm a year later. Three brothers and a sister followed the older boys, who were raised and first educated in Kassel, a city in the German state of Hesse. Their father, Phlipp Grimm, was a lawyer who married a city councilman's daughter, Dorothea Zimmer Grimm. Though the death of their father in 1796 was a traumatic blow to the family's economic status, the boys were able to study at the University of Marburg and in their adult worlung life they moved in scholarly, middle-class circles." They were devoted to supporting their family, whch expanded with Wilhelm's 1825 marriage to Dorothea Wild, and were always professionally employed in addition to their personal research.15 Ths was once notably interrupted, when the brothers were both professors at the University of Gottingen in Hanover and absolutist Ing Ernst August I1 came to the throne. After he revoked the Hanoverian constitution, the Grimms and five other liberal professors famously refused to take an oath of allegiance to what they saw as tyranny, and were expelled from Gottingen.16 The "Gottingen Seven" were an excellent example of rising nationalist fervor among the class to which the Grimms belonged. To identify class, the Grimms use a spectrum of terms from peasantry to nobility. Common archetypes in the tales range from poor farmers and rich farmers to tailors and millers and then to kings and princes. Curiously, wealthy merchants-the grand bourgeois-rarely serve as the subject of these tales. In tlus thesis, I refer to l4Zipes, The Brothers Grirnm, 2-6. l5Dorothea Wild came from a middle-class family in Kassel who provided the Grimms with many tales for the KHM. Ibid., 28. l6 Cay Dollerup, Tales and Translation: The Grirnm Tales from Pal?-Germanic Narratives to Shared International Fairy Tales (Amsterdam:J.Benjamins, 1999), 5. peasants and the aristocracy, but I also use the term bourgeois as defined by David Blackbourn and Rchard J. Evans. They admit the difficulty of applying a French term whch does not precisely fit the German Biirgerttim, but write that "it is both useful and legtimate to regard such groups as bankers, merchants, industrialists, hgher civil servants, doctors, lawyers, professors, and other professionals as constituting a social stratum bound by common values, a shared culture and a degree of prosperity.. ."I7 They distinguish hs group, wkch certainly included many of the readers of the KHM, from titled nobility and the worlung classes. Blackbourn further identifies two categories of bourgeoisie, and for all their love of rural peasant culture, the Grimms firmly belonged in the second of these categories, the educated Weltburgerturn. Blackbourn writes that it was "among hs group of the educated also that the idea of the German nation took shape as a cultural aspiration at a time when Germany remained politically fragmented and divided economically into countless local and regonal markets."18 The development of cultural unity was essential to bourgeois aspirations for the German state, years before political unification in 1871. The brothersf primary scholarly interest was German phlology, and it was through their exploration of old German language and customs that they began worlung on folklore. Leading Grimms scholar Ruth Bottigheimer claimed that from their youth the Grimms held "the conviction that a common language defined national identity."19 Given the variety of dialects in whch the first edition of the KHM was published, reflecting the spread of German cultures l7David Blackbourn and &chard J. Evans, "Preface" in The Gerrnaiz Bortrgeoisie ed. David Blackbourn and Richard J. Evans (London and New York: Routledge, 1991), xiv. lS David Blackbourn, "The German bourgeoisie: An introduction" in Tlze German Bozlrgeoisie, 2-3. 19 Bottigheimer, Grimnzs' Bad Girls aizd Bold Boys, 9. across plural German states, this may perhaps appear monoclhromatically simplistic. Sheehan wrote in the introduction to hs survey of modern German hstory that it "cannot be the single story of a fixed entity, a state or a clearly designated landscape. We must instead try to follow the many different hstories that coexisted witlun German-spealung central Europe.. But he goes on to argue for the importance of an imagined cohesive culture to an understanding of German hstory. Though Germany did not exist until 1871, the question of its nationhood was so essential to contemporaries that it is possible to read beyond regional differences from Bavaria to Prussia and speak of an imagined cohesive culture at whch figures like Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm aimed. When I refer to the German family, therefore, I am spealung of a society that was labeled "Deutsch at the time, a literal and cultural language that was becoming more unified over the period. From 1812 to 1857 Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm revised, moralized, and unified the tales they had collected from family friends, neighbors, and assorted local characters at the beginning of the century. The earliest written version in the hstorical record is an 1810 manuscript of tales the brothers had recorded from oral informants, whch they collated and mailed to Achim von Arnim and Clemens Brentano, authors of the successful Des Knnben Wzinderhorn. Though the famous older folklorists never printed or even returned tlus collection, the Grimms went ahead with the book in 1812, when Georg Reimer published Volume I of the first edition in Berlin. Volume I1 followed in 1815 with an elaborated literary style but the same format. The second edition was prepared in 1819 and a volume of supplementary notes was published in 1822. In 1825 20 Sheehan, Gerinatz History, 1. they created a new version of the work known as the Kleine Ausgabe (Small Edition). Ths was a little book with much larger significance, for it was Wilhelm Grimm's attempt to capitalize on the success of English translations marketed to parents and chldren. 50 tales were selected and edited for the intention of chldren's interest and edification, and subsequent revisions of the Kleine Ausgabe were published concurrently with the regular edition. Altogether, between 1812 and 1857 seven Grope Az~sgabelz and ten Kleine Ausgaben were edited and printed, with 211 tales malung it into the final Large Edition.*' As the editions progressed, more and more tales were drawn from sources other than the idealized peasant woman the Grimms presented as the authentic fount of their collection, including novels and newspapers popular with the bourgeois audience, as well as "folklore" from young middle-class storytellers themselves. Folklore is a difficult term. In modern scholarshp, it refers to the genre of either oral or recorded stories that are not specifically and concretely the literary creation of a single author. The Grimm brothers defined their stories as originating from the people, from the peasant class, but as deciphering the true origins of the collection is a field of Grimms research in itself, it is misleading to refer to the particular stories the Grimms collected and published as genuine folklore. For hs reason, I will refer to the "tales" of the Grimms. The word "story" is too generic, whereas "tale" preserves the tone of the fantastic without excluding the animal stories and religious legends that do not contain magcal elements. "Fairy tale," whch is the conventional translation of Marchen, I will use exclusively in reference to stories with supernatural features. 2' Ruth Bottigheimer, "The Publishing History of Grimms' Tales: Reception at the Cash Register," in T7ze Reception of Grinzlns' Fairy Tales, ed. Donald Haase (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993), 78-101. In hs study, I track transformations in the tone, motives, plot, and characters of tales from the first published edition to the final version of the KHM. Such a method is predicated on an assumption that folklorists and Grimms scholars like Ruth Bottigheimer have developed in the last two decades, "that Grimms' Tales is a hstorical document with its roots firmly in nineteenth- century germ an^."^^ Departing from the psychoanalytic or pedagogical approaches popular with the publication of Bruno Bettelheirn's Tlze Uses of Enchantment in 1976, tlus idea requires attention to linguistic and historical If, as it is in tlus thesis, the KHM is treated as an hstorical text that arose from a particular time and cultural posture but also has relevance to understanding that culture, the changes in editions over time are essential to any discussion of sociohstorical meaning in the tales.24 My work relies on the textual criticism of, among others, Bottigheimer, Jack Zipes, and, most importantly, Grimms editor Heinz Rolleke, who have all worked to identify the sources of tales and the revision they underwent at the pens of the Grimms. The conclusions of Maria Tatar and James McGlathery, who also apply techruques of textual reconstruction to the KHM, are used in the discussion of particular tales in tlus thesis. Motivated by the significance of the family to the Grimms' nationalist project, as seen in their own writing about the work and in the sheer dominance of such themes, I am particularly interested in how changes in the editions over time can reveal their attitude toward family relationshps. My work situates hs 22 Ibid., X. 23 Bettelheim, Bruno. The Uses of Eizc/zantrnent: The Meaning and Ivzportavzce of Fairy Tales. New York: Knopf, 1976. 24 Donald Haase, "Response and Responsibility in Reading Grimms' Fairy Tales," in The Reception of Grimrns' Fairy Tales, 231-232. exploration of nation and family in the KHM wi&n the broader canvas of German history through debates about sentiment and demographc change. The former approach, represented in ths thesis by Edward Shorter, Wchael Phayer, Phlippe Arihs, and Jean-Louis Flandrin, is relevant for its argument that affective relationslups in the family became increasingly important in nineteenth- century E~rope.'~ The faults of the sentiment school, namely, anachronistic assumptions and uneven evidence, are countered by the value of their attempt to identify changes in attitude of the lund that can be seen in the KHM. The demographc lustory pertinent to this thesis, including the work of Robert Lee, David Blackbourn, Rchard Evans, and John Knodel, concerns the dramatic shfts that swept Europe during the Grimms' careers: urbanization and the population boom that threatened the idyllic nature they prized, a decline in fertility and mortality that considerably affected parents' attitudes toward children, a rise in the illegitimacy rate, and changes in household structure that began to privilege the nuclear family.26 The connection between family and nation is certainly not unprecedented; literature on European nationalism and political movements in Germany during the early nineteenth century supports my exploration of the Grimms' nationalism in this thesis. Lynn Hunt most famously used the language and structures of family in her political hstory, The Family Romance of the Fre~zch Revolution. She explained her method, "By family ronzance I mean the collective, unconscious images of the familial order that underlie revolutionary 2Wichael Anderson, Approaches to the History of the Western Family, 1500-1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995),25-48. 26 David I. Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli, "Introduction" in Family Life in the Long Nineteenth Century 1789-1913, David I. Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli, eds. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), x-xxxiii. politics.. ..most Europeans in the eighteenth century thought of their rulers as fathers and of their nations as families writ large."27 Whrle her argument was about revolution (enQng the patriarchy of monarchy) this thesis is concerned with nationalism: in Germany, the increasingly vocal desire for a nation built on loving, authentic German families. Personal relationshrps were important to the Grimms in the KHM because they hoped that affective bonds would support and define the German nation. Historian Celia Applegate has written on the concept of Zusammenge7zo~igkeitsgefLchl~a typically German mouthful that captures one cultural message of the KHM.She translates the word as "the feeling of belonging t~gether."~' The Grimms were nominally devoted to the preservation of traditional customs that they felt were waning in contemporary culture. Yet at the same time, much of their work of "preservation" was actually the identification and promotion of new behaviors, and this applied to the idealized family relationshps that they hoped would support a unified culture. 27 Lynn Hunt, Tlze Family Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), xiii-xiv. Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), x. Structure of the Thesis Throughout hs work, I consider the portrayal of family relationshps in the Grimms' KHM in the context of these threads of scholarshp-text-oriented folklore studies, family history, and the development of German nationalism. The thesis is in two parts, defined by major relationshps wihn the family. First is a discussion of marriage-family formation-whch explores the parameters of spouse selection and depictions of married life. What behavior between men and women did the Grimms encourage or condemn during courtshp and in matrimony? The controversial argument that the nineteenth century was a time of "romantic revolution" is examined in hs chapter. The second part focuses on the chld-family propagation-in two forms, longing for chldren and illegitimacy. Ths chapter explores the Grimms' attitude toward childbirth as displayed in the tales. It also is concerned with major demographc shfts of the early nineteenth century, particularly the fertility decline and the rising illegitimacy ratio. Change in tales over time is integral to understanding of the messages the Grimms crafted in the KHM. Ths study also examines features of the collection that are consistent across editions. The question of exceptionality, whether examples of a particular moral attitude can easily be contradicted by a different excerpt from the tales, thus becomes critical. How do we measure the impact of one tale or ten, the strength of a recurrent motif, or the rarity of a story that negates the more popular sentiment? Some folklorists have ultimately decided that the task is insurmountable, and that until the textual history of every recorded folktale is known, no general conclusions can be drawn. While I acknowledge the difficulty of marlung definitive territory in these tales, I perceive in &us the simple fact that the KHM is no monolitluc document, subject only to one true interpretation. On the individual level, the influence of tales waxes and wanes over a person's life, changing with personal experiences. Similarly, the cultural implications of the text are more complex than an epigrammatic single answer to the place of family in nationalism. Yet through their passion for "diese unschuldgen Hausmarchen," whch they labeled pure (unsclzuldig) both for a supposed German authenticity and for their certain appeal to innocent cluldren, the Grimms have placed their own seal on the meaning of the collection. They invite us to understand tales of clever tailors, married foxes, enchanted princes, and faithful maidens in the narrative of family life, structured through family relationslups. However seemingly chaotic or ambiguous the meanings of the KHM may be, let us approach a deeper understanding of German family and nation by engaging with the tale interpretations of the Grimms. Family Formation Marriage was a critical proving ground for the promotion of a particular German culture to whch the Grimms were committed. Their emphasis on the family and spousal relations was hardly unique; in fact, their interests were representative of a general attitude among contemporary German hnkers. Historian Josef Ehrner writes, "neither before the nineteenth century nor since then has marriage stood so prominently in the focal point of public interest."' Given the importance of family to the Grimms7 project and the equal prominence of marriage in the nineteenth-century imagination, what valences does marriage carry in the tales of the Kinder-u~zdHausmiirchen? For the culture they were so concerned with advocating, what shape would the marriage relationship take, and on what qualities should the German family be built? Some hstorians have argued that the early nineteenth century was a time of "romantic revolution" in Europe, with love becoming the dominant factor in the formation of marriages. This chapter will address the form and purpose of marriage as advanced in the KHM. From the first publication of their collection in 1812 to the last in 1857, the Grimms consistently led the tales with the same story: "Der Froschkonig oder ' Josef Ehmer, "Marriage" in Fnnzily Life in the Long Nineteeiztlz Centuiy 1789-1913 ed. David Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 282. der eiserne Heinrich ("The Frog Gng, or Iron Heinrich," Several reasons might account for their preference for this tale as an opener of their book, and they are revealing of the Grimms' purpose in their depiction of love and marriage. One explanation has to do with the particularly German character of the tale. According to their notes of 1856, the story's origin was Hesse, the state where the brothers were raised and where Dorothea Viehrnann lived, the storyteller whom the Grimms virtually canonized as the iconic German peasant woman.3 The first half of the Grimms' version is the still familiar "Frog Prince" story, but it continues to an epilogue describing the happy reconciliation of the frog hng with "der treue Heinrich," hs faithful servant. Maria Tatar argues that by including "Iron Heinrich in the title of hs, the very opening of the collection, the editors chose to emphasize the "quintessentially Germanic" fidelity and strength of the servant. She writes that it "reflects the degree to whch they hoped to emphasize national virtues."* The "German-ness" of the story was indeed important to the scholars. In the oripnal1812 version, when the frog finds the princess crying over her lost bauble, he asks her, "Gng's- daughter, why do you wail so miserably?"' By the 1857 edition, the Grimms had elaborated a speech for the frog: "you bawl so that a stone would be moved to The tenth full edition of the KFiM was published in 1857,when the tales were placed in a final numbered order by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. By scholarly convention, I will use the numbers from the 1857edition when referring to individual tales. Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich," in Kinder zrnd Hausrniirclzerz, dritter Band: Anlnerkz~rzgeil zu derz einzelnerl Marclzen, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1984), 15. 4 Maria Tatar, Tlze Annotated Brothers Griinrn (London: W. Mr.Norton & Company, 2004), 3. "Konigstochter, was jammerst du so erbarmlich?" Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich," in Kinder- zrrzd Haus-marclzen 181211815,ed. Heinz Rolleke (Cottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986),2. pity you."6 Whether authentic or not, such folksy aphorisms often made their way into tales to give them a German feel. What is particularly fascinating about the choice of hs tale for the prime spot in the book is not just its nationalist tone, but that over the course of editions the Grimms changed it from an erotically charged bedroom story to a lesson on vows and marriage. In the 1810 manuscript, where the Grimms first recorded the stories they were collecting, and wluch is accredited as the most faithful to the original tales they heard, the princess is "eager" to jump in bed with the prin~e.~ For the first published echtion in 1812, the Grirnms changed hs so that when the frog complains that he is tired and wants to lie down with her, she rejects hm and it is only after he turns into a handsome young prince that they "sleep merrily togetl~er."~ By the 1857 edition, we find the princess violently throwing the frog at the suggestion of sharing a bed, eliminating any hnt of impropriety. At the same time that eroticism was expurgated from the story, the Grimms turned it into an educational message about marriage and the duties of a daughter. By adding such lines as, "If you have been helped when you were in need, then you should not later spurn him," the editors not only remarked on the importance of honoring promise^.^ They also emphasized the obedience due by a daughter first to her father, and then to her husband. The princess must invite "du schreist ja, dafS sich ein Stein erbarmen mochte. " Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich," in Kinder und Hausmarcherl 1857, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: Plulipp Reclam, 1984), 1:29. Ruth Bottigheimer, Grimms' Bad Girls aizd Bold Boys: The Moral and Social Vision of the Tales (New Haven: Yale Universitv Press. 1987), 160. "sie schliefen vergniigt zusammen ein." "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich," KHM 18121 1815, 1:5. "'Wer dir geholfen hat, als du in der Notwarst, den sollst du hernach nicht verachten." "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich," KHM 1857,1:31-32. the frog to her bedroom out of honor, loyalty to him as a companion, and submission to her father. Furthermore, an important part of the morality of marriage shown in this tale is that love should inspire a union. The frog tells the princess, "'I don't want your clothes, your pearls and jewels, and your golden crown; but if you will love me, and if I shall be your companion and playmate [I will help] .'"lo The Grimms added several references to the prince as the princess's "lieber Geselle" (dear companion), to lughlight the love between them, whch justifies their marriage. Tatar summarizes the changes whch the Grimms made between their first record of the story and 1857, writing that it "offers a perfect illustration of how the Grimms toned down and removed the sexual humor that had once entertained adults and added maxims with the hope of teaclung children lesson^."^^ The tale perfectly suited their purposes both as a faithfully Germanic story and as a didactic family romance. The connection between the morality of marriage and nationalist ideals is a constant theme in the Grimms' collection, just as the place of love in a marriage was one of the questions whch occupied German intellectuals and German families. Thus the romantic revolution thesis advanced by some scholars provides an understanding of marriage in the KHM in one important respect, though it is certainly flawed. Historians of the "sentiments approach" have rightly been criticized for a lack of specificity to their work.12 Sources that can answer grand questions about human emotion are scarce and difficult to decode, 10 "'Deine Kleider, deine Perlen und Edelsteine, und deine goldene Krone, die mag ich nicht; aber wenn du mich liebhaben willst, und ich sol1 dein Geselle und Spielkamerad sein.. ." Ibid., 1:30. "Tatar, fie Annotated Brothers Grimnz, 3. l2The works of this school which are most relevant to this thesis are: Edward Shorter, T7ze Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1975); Jean-Louis Flandrin, Families in former times trans. Richard Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); and J. Michael Phayer, Sexual Liberation and Religion in Nineteenth Century Europe (London: Croom Helm, 1977). causing hstorians of hs school to adopt a certain ambiguity about time and place. They blur distinctions of regionality and have difficulty agreeing on the timing of attitudinal shifts, at times relying on anachronistic comparisons and logical leaps to bridge the source material gaps.13 Yet their conclusions do illuminate a connection that has been obscured by more blinkered analyses of demographic change in particular communities. Edward Shorter defines the romantic revolution in two parts: "a new relationship of the couple to each other, and a new relationslup for them, as a unit, to the surrounding social order."'We should be careful not to confuse modern concepts of love and passion with the affectionate companionshp encouraged by proponents of domesticity in the early nineteenth century. But it is this link between attitudinal change and social meaning whch is key to understanding the place of love in marriage as described and advocated in the tales edited by the Grimms. An exploration of marriage is not merely illuminating of changing family patterns. A jurist named Emil Friedberg wrote at the end of hs period that "Marriage is the foundation of the family and therefore of the state; it is the most important institution whch the state has to govern and control."15 Friedberg was not alone in the emphasis he placed on marriage and the family. The "marriage questionu-which encompassed debates over spousal abuse, divorce, age of marriage, and class issues-was at the forefront of social observers' writing in l3Michael Anderson, Approaches to tlze History of tlze Western Famil?/ 1500-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 26-27. l4 Shorter, Tlze Making oftlze Moderlz Falnily, 149. l5 "Die Ehe ist die Grundlage der Familie und damit des Staates; sie ist die wichtigste Institution, welche der Staat zu regeln und zu iiberwachen hat." Emil Friedberg, Das Recht der Eheschlie4ung (Leipzig 1865: 760). Quoted in William H. Hubbard, Fa~niliengesckichte: Materialie11 ztir dez4tsclzeiz Familie seit dem Erzde des 18. lakrhunderts (Miinchen: C.H. Beck, 1983), 37. the early nineteenth century, and the newspapers and marriage manuals were not idle talk. As Ehmer writes, "The discourse on marriage in nineteenth- century Europe was not only an intellectual exercise, but was deeply rooted in political struggles and legislative proce~ses."'~ Marriage was a political and economic institution just as much as it was a feature of intimate family domesticity.17 Thus a variety of strateges motivated marriages in Central Europe during the period of the KHM publication including traditional reasons of family interest. Nevertheless, over the course of editions of the Grimms' collection, love takes a central place in the tales portraying marriage. Were the Grimms simply out of touch with family realities, advancing a unique and unpopular agenda? The answer is partly yes; these tales are fantastic in many respects. Nevertheless, it is significant that hs ideal of romantically based marriages was advanced in a book intended to capture German virtues, a work that was received with great popularity by a sympathetic audience. In the nineteenth-century imagination, personal affection did become gradually more essential to the foundation of marriage, and the formation of the ideal German family. Ths chapter focuses on the place of love in spouse selection, but also includes a discussion of affection in married life. The first section begtns with an examination of the motives of German marriages during the period and then explores these themes in the KHM l6Ehmer, "Marriage," 291. l7 While my focus here is primarily on the links between marriage in the family and marriage in the state, the economic implications of family alliances continued in complex ways alongside the development of love-marriages. Richard J. Evans, for example, in the case of the grand bourgeoisie of Hamburg, writes that "the role of the family in political and economic life continued to be not only significant but also publicly recognized right up to the First World War. Family ties helped ease the emergence of big business, they softened the contours of competitive capitalism..." Richard J. Evans, "Family and Class in Hamburg" in The German Bourgeoisie ed. David Blackbourn and Richard J. Evans (London: Routledge, 1991), 126. through tales of love-matches, marriages of interest, and class exogamy. The section on matrimony is devoted to the themes of spousal abuse among the lower classes and the importance of female fidelity in ideal marriages. Spouse Selection If there was indeed a "romantic revolution," its parameters can be strilungly seen in the question of how to choose a husband or wife. For hundreds of years before the advent of the Kinder- urzd Hausnziirclzerz, marriage had been an integral element of family economics. Selecting a spouse was not a personal decision, but one predicated on economic concerns of the family's advantage and a broader social purpose. For the individual family, marriages in early modern Europe were alliances more than personal relationshps, uniting one extended lunshp structure with another.18 But the connections between families can also be seen as fulfilling needs of the greater community. In many cases, marriages outside the lunshp network were encouraged to prevent the accumulation of wealth by one family. Other traditions aimed for entirely the opposite effect, denying class-climbing relationshps and preserving social stratification.19 Yet in either strategy, marriage before the nineteenth century was a malleable tool of family leaders and society, never the sole concern of the man and woman involved. Ths attitude toward the purpose of marriage alliances underwent radical change in the early nineteenth century. Personal fulfillment began to be privileged over the "marriage of interest." Edward Shorter, the most vocal proponent of the romantic revolution thesis, attributes the earliest "surge in sentiment" to the landless class. Key to hs analysis of love in marriage are the criteria for choosing a spouse that people articulated during courtshp. There is a l8Ehmer, "Marriage," 292. l9Ehmer provides the example of transhumant shepherds in the Balkans and French families under impartible inheritance for those who chose to avoid concentrating wealth by class-mixing marriages. But he does observe that the tendency was towards "social endogamy," staying within knship and class lines. Ibid., 293. range of terms, from compatibility and companionship to affection and love, but Shorter claims that all examples of privilegng personal feelings were "radical departures from tradition." 'O Thomas Nipperdey also describes the transformation of modern marriage, but he contends that it emerged first in the German bourgeoisie. He describes the new middle-class reasons for marriage: "The couple's encounter was considered to have a quality of destiny, inevitability, uniqueness: love at first sight, being made for each other, the absolute importance of hs love, indeed the immaculacy of the loved one.. ."21 Marriage was defined in the 1817encyclopedia Brockhaus as a "life-long relationshp between two persons of the opposite sex.. .whch in its perfection is based on love."" As is clear from an analysis of marriages in the tales collected by the Grimms, love at first sight, destiny, and the innocence of the perfect partner are all essential to the process of choosing a spouse in these stories. An elegant narrative would trace the development of Central Europeans into the modern family during ths period, leaving behnd their crass marriages of interest and choosing spouses based on personal love. Of course, the layers of cultural change are not so simple. Ehmer states the problem well in lus discussion of the "marriage question" which preoccupied contemporary observers: "Nineteenth-century marriage discourses had a simplified, antagonistic, and polarized structure. Marriage as a practice, in contrast, combined a variety of motifs, strategies, and interest^."'^ There is the bourgeois ideal of marriage, of whch we have a record in the prolific contemporary 2%horter, The Maki~zg of tlze Modem Fnmily, 148-149. 21 Thomas Nipperdey, Gernraizy from Nnpoleorr to Bisnzarck, 1800-1866, trans. Daniel Nolan (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 101. 22 Quoted in Peter Borscheid, "Romantic Love or Material Interest: Choosing Partners in Nineteenth-Century Germany," Jounzal of Fanzily History 11,no. 3 (1986):160. 23 Ehmer, "Marriage," 292. writings on the subject and in the marriage-restricting legslation whch sought to limit matrimony as a class privilege. Church records gve some idea of the reasons that inspired peasants and landless laborers to choose their spouses, which constituted a Qfferent set of ~alues.~Vet bourgeois fears of moral licentiousness, that members of the lower classes were marrying for superficial financial gain, give us a contrasting separate picture of marriage motivation^.^^ And for each of these-the bourgeois ideal, the bourgeois reality, fears of peasant behavior, and actual strategies of the lower classes-the nineteenth century was a dramatic period of transition. Thus the thesis of "romantic revolution," whch is most clearly supported by the public writings of bourgeois intellectuals, has been somewhat punctured by scholars who object to the broad-sweeping, symbolic conclusions of the sentiment approach. In an article in the Jo~inzal of Falnily History, Peter Borscheid rejected both lustorians' arguments for a romantic revolution in spouse selection and the middle-class demands of the time for marriage to be founded on love. He concludes, "The Romantics aroused expectations that could not be met gven the realities of nineteenth-century life. They forgot that marriage was not based only on love, that another essential element must also be present. Love could not fill an empty stomach."26 Talung peasant life in agrarian Bavarian as battleground, Robert Lee is a dominant voice in the argument against the sentiment approach idea of a romantic revolution. He argues that financial considerations continued to be more important than affection in choosing a 24 Without substantial first-hand accounts, demographic historians have made the most reliable attempt at understanding lower-class motivations for marriage. See J. Hagnal, "European Marriage Patterns in Perspective," in Populatiorl irz History: Essays in Historical Dernography ed. D.V. Glass and D.E.C. Eversley (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company), 101-143. 25 Ehmer, "Marriage," 287-291. 26 Borscheid, "Romantic Love," 167. spouse, whch encouraged class endogamy in rural culture.27 It is true that economic factors can be seen to predominate in records of dowry transactions and the alliances made between smallholding farmer families of similar status. But Lee does concede that, "If the production function of the family remained paramount in determining family relationshps, hs was clearly not the only factor at work," tying sentiment to trahtionalism in the Bavarian peasant case. In many ways, ths work convincingly refutes Shorter's idea of a romantic revolution stemming from the lower classes that was a radical break. Yet two elements essential to spouse selection in the KHM are nevertheless clear from both arguments. First, marriage in the nineteenth century was the primary institution that affected a family's fortunes. And second, despite all the financial constraints of survival and traditions of social endogamy, considerations of sentiment did begn to appear to varying degrees in German-spealung families throughout the period. And so, in examining the picture of the German family pen by the Grimm brothers in their selection and editing of the KHnltales, a basic problem remains. Is there a romantic revolution present in these stories? What factors motivate marriage in the realm of the folktale, and what reasons for choosing a spouse do the Grimms emphasize, laud, or condemn? Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm were members of the bourgeois class who advocated an ideal of romantically motivated marriages, and it would not be surprising to discover it in their tales. Borscheid dismisses the argument for a romantic revolution by 27 Robert Lee, "Family and 'Modernisation': The Peasant Family and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century Bavaria," in Tlze Gen?zarz Fanzily ed. Richard J. Evans and W.R. Lee (London: Groom Helm, 1981),94-95. writing that "'Cinderella' marriages happened only in fairy tales."28 Yet even in children's stories and folklore the situation is not so simple, and there are abundant examples of heroes and heroines who marry for economic or family advantage in the tales. Deciphering the Grimrns' attitude toward marriage as presented in the KHM is a complex task. What emerges from the hstoriographcal debate as most applicable to the KHM is the bourgeois ideal of Liebesheirat, the love marriage. Even Borscheid, who challenges the idea of an actual romantic revolution, admits that the "majority of the population endorsed the idea of love.. ."29 There was indisputably a growing sense in the early nineteenth century that certain factors should motivate the choice of a husband or wife. Whle the reality of life for men and women across social classes in Central Europe did not necessarily match the simple narrative outlined above, it is interesting that those people who made laws about marriage and were politically active in various arenas desired such a story for German families. The imagined perfection of domesticity that permeated the bourgeois idea of family was central to their understanding of marriage's purpose. One claim of hs thesis is that the Grimms' KHM reveals cultural attitudes about the family in transformation, and hs can be seen in spouse selection. Tracing the course of love in spouse selection of the tales will show, despite the depiction of alternative strategies, a revolution of sorts: the new idea that marriage should be contracted for personal reasons of affection and companionship. 28 Borscheid, "Romantic Love," 157. 29 lbid. Tales on Liebesheiraten The "fairy tale" has become synonymous with romantic marriage, and for good reason. Marina Warner writes in a study of women in folklore "Romance-love-in-marriage-was an elusive ideal, wkch the writers of the co~ztes[seventeenth-century French fairy tales] sometimes set up in defiance of de~tiny."~'In nineteenth-century Central Europe, &us tradition continued with the Grimms. But .what they made of Liebesheiraten is very different from that earlier idea, and demonstrates a cultural attitude in transition. Tales that depict marriages contracted for individual romance in the KHM negotiate ideas of destiny, beauty as love, fidelity, and companionslup. Love is sometimes superimposed on marriages that are otherwise formed in a traditional context, and it is not always marked as the best reason to marry. But the primary presence of romance in tales of spouse selection ultimately eclipses other factors. The most significant locus of comparison between the Grimms' picture of love-based marriages and the modern idea of love is the concept of "love at first sight." Destiny suffuses descriptions of love in the tales, most notably in the common motif that only one man is ordained to win the princess in some competition that has foiled countless suitors. Occasionally fate is defined using the religious language of tales such as "Der glaserne Sarg" ("The Glass Coffin," 163), a romantic story whose addition in 1837 was justified by the Grimms for being "surely based on an authentic legend.""' (It actually was taken from an eighteenth-century In hs tale, the princess tells the tailor after he 30 Marina Warner, From tlze Beast to tlze Blonde (London: Chatto and Windus, 1994), 278. 31 "sie beruht gewis auf einer echten Sage.. ." KHM: Anmerkungen 1856,255. 32 Tlle Cornplete Fairy Tales of the Brotlrers Grimm, translated by Jack Zipes (Toronto and New York: Bantam, 1987), 722. rescues her, "You are my lord, ordained by Heaven, and you shall be loved by me and showered with all earthly goods.. ."33 Another common depiction of love as destiny comes in the several encounters between young men and women, where the Grimms provide a rhetorical parenthesis to inform the reader that the couple are, of course, fated to fall in love. Ths occurs in both "Die Ganshrtin am Brunnen" ("The Goose-girl at the Spring," 179) and "Spindel, Weberschffen, und Nadel" ("Spindle, Shuttle, and Needle," 188), through a description of a maiden's unconscious blushng: "The young count was standing next to them, and when she noticed him, her face became as red as a moss rose; she herself did not know ~hy."~"ut the editors of the tale let the reader know that the maidens blush because of their immediate attraction to their destined loves. Ths aside would not be out of place in a modern romantic story. But a closer examination of love in spouse selection in the tales of the MM reveals that hs is far from a modern "meeting of souls." Love in the tales is rarely based on a substantive and lengthy acquaintance, in whch the man and woman realize their compatibility and decide to marry. Most often, in fact, the surface and immediate quality of feminine beauty is shorthand for love. Ths lund of romantic love is different from early modern marriages of advantage, and the Grimms hghlight it as a connection between individuals, yet the male possession of a woman's beauty hardly matches the modern ideal paradigm. Even when it is another, deeper form of love that interests the Grimms in their version of a story, the woman is always beautiful. 33 "Du bist der vom Himmel bestimmte Gemahl und sollst, von mir geliebt und mit allen irdischen Giitern uberhauft.. ." "Der glaserne Sarg," KHM 1857,2:290. 34 "Die junge Graf stand neben ihnen, und als sie ihn erblickte, ward sie so rot im Gesicht wie eine Moosrose; sie wuf3te selbst nicht warum." "Die Gansehirtin am Brunnen," Ibid., 2:349. Beauty as the force behnd love, and hence behnd a new system of spouse selection, is a common theme in the tales. When the king's wife dies in "Die weisse und die schwarze Braut" ("The Whte and the Black Bride," 135), he misses not her personality or her soul, but her beauty without The hero of "Der Gevatter Tod" ("Godfather Death," 44) risks hs life to save a princess when he beholds her beauty, and to underscore the intoxicating effect of her physical appearance, in later editions the Grimms added hs line: "the great beauty of the princess and the bliss [he imagined] of becoming her lord infatuated hm."" The story of a hero driven to extreme behavior upon once viewing the incomparable beauty of hs intended love is a common motif. This daring resolve based on infatuation with beauty is usually rewarded. In "Die Goldkinder" ("The Gold-Chldren," 85), the bride's father is furious that she appears to be marrying a vagabond, a "bearslun" (he is in disguise).37 When it is revealed that the groom is actually a "magnificent golden man," hs father-in-law rejoices that he did not harm the handsome youth, because, knowing that he was beautiful, it would have been "a great mi~deed."~' It is true that beauty is sometimes accompanied by attractive virtue: in "Die weisse und die schwarze Braut," the lund and obedient stepsister becomes whte ("as beautiful and pure.. .as the sun") while the selfish sister is turned black ("as ugly as sin").39 But it is the beauty-and the implied character nobility of a delicate and lovely appearance-whch first creates the love bond between potential spouses. 35 "Die weisse und die schawrze Braut," KHM 1857,2:230. 36 "die groae Schonheit der Konigstochter und das Gliick, ihr Gemahl zu werden, betorten ihn.. ." "Der Gevatter Tod," Ibid., 1:229. 37 "'Nevermore shall a bearskin have my daughter,"' "'Nimmermehr sol1 ein Barenhauter meine Tochter haben,"' "Die Goldlunder," Ibid., 1:418. 3S "eine groi3e Missetat.. ." "Die Goldkinder," Ibid., 1:418 39 "SO schon und rein.. .wie die Sonne" "haf3lich wie die Siinde" "Die weisse und die schawrze Braut," Ibid., 2:229. In tlus way, beauty as a motivation for marriage is a break from traditional ways of forming marriages. "De drei Viigelkens" ("The Three Little Birds," 96) opens when three cowherding women spy a handsome lung and hs huntsmen. In turn, they point to the men and say, "Hallo, hallo! If I can't have that man over there, then I don't want any at all," and because "the maidens were all beautiful" the lung and hs men marry them." Ths is far from a carefully planned lunshp alliance based on maintaining social stratification and providing for material well-being. Beauty as love has trumped other considerations in many of the tales presented by the Grimms. It is gtven its most extreme expression in "Ferenand getrii, Ferenand ungetrii" ("Faithful Ferdinand and Unfaithful Ferdinand," 126), a tale in whch love of beauty takes precedence over even the marriage vows, with no moral taboo expressed by the Grimms. After the lung's handsome servant, Ferdinand, delivers the princess to her for their marriage, the queen discovers that she cannot love the lung because he has no nose, a detail oddly added late in the story. She falls in love with the handsome servant and cuts off her husband's head."' With everytlung subject to beauty, there is condemnation neither of the class-crossing alliance nor of the murderous infidelity of the queen. In that respect, however, "Ferenand getrii, Ferenand ungetrii" is an exception to the overwhelming attitude of the tales concerning fidelity. Choosing a marriage partner involved a contract with fixed gender roles: the best groom would provide a woman with protection, but in exchange the ideal bride 40 "'Helo, helo! Wenn ik den nig kriege, so will ik keinen."' "se woren alle drei scheun un schir..." "De drei Viigelkens," Ibid., 2:65. Translation Jack Zipes, The Cornplefe Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grirnrn, 353. All quotations from tales in dialect will be taken from the Zipes translation. 41 "Ferenand getrii, Ferenand ungetrii," Ibid., 2:192. owed her future husband absolute fidelity. Most tales whch focus on married life discuss fidelity, as will be explored in the second section of hs chapter on matrimony. But the question of female faithfulness is surprisingly present even in stories of courtshp and spouse selection. A common motif seen, for example, in "Die zwolf Jager" ("The Twelve Huntsmen," 67), shows a woman whose fidelity to her betrothed transcends hs abandonment of her, a betrayal usually caused by some malicious witchcraft. Ths idea was so popular in folklore that the Grimms themselves identified its power in their annotation to "Die zwolf Jager."" In tlus tale, the prince who deserts hs ever-faithful fiancee is motivated by love for hs dying father. But in this story and others, the Grimms elevate the bond of romantic love over filial obedience. The woman is ultimately rewarded for her extraordinary fidelity by regaining her betrothed, and in later editions the Grimms note that it is a permanent tie, whch "no man in the world can change."" The editors included a further moral to end the tale and make clear the importance of fidelity as the story's main theme: "he who has found again an old key does not need the new one."'" similar motif of female fidelity to her intended is the foundation of "Der liebste Roland" ("The Sweetheart Roland," 56), "De beiden Kunigsknner" ("The Two Gng's Chldren," 113), "Die wahre Braut" ("The True Bride," 186), and "Der Trommler" ("The Drummer," 193). The bride of "011 finkrank ("Old Rinkrank," 196) is so old after a magical imprisonment that she goes by the name Mother Mansrot-yet her love remains waiting for her. Love in spouse selection was very often the expectation of fidelity. 42 KHM:Annzerkungeiz 1856,129. " "'kein Mensch auf der Welt kann das andern."' "Die zwolf Jager," KHM 1857,1:361. "wer einen alten Schliissel wiedergefunden habe, brauche den neuen nicht." Ibid., 1:361. Men and women in the tales also seek love in the form of companionship, as mentioned earlier in the example of the "dear companion" in "Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich." Even though the Grimms often advocate a gentler form of romance than modern passion, in the language of friendshp and companionshp there is still a new idea that engagements should be based on personal happiness instead of reasons of interest. "Die drei Mannlein im Walde" ("The Three Little Gnomes in the Forest," 13) presents a remarriage, a phenomenon more common in actual nineteenth-century German states than in the youth and beauty-biased folktales. When a widow proposes marriage to a widower in hs tale, hs deliberation is not based on the financial advantage. Rather, he equivocates because, he says in the revision of 1819, "Marriage is a joy and is also an ordeal."" He bases hs decision to marry on personal contentment. In "Katz und Maus in Gesellschaft" ("Cat and Mouse in Companionshp," 2), the cat convinces the mouse to come live with hm through talk of "great love and friendshp," a phrase the Grimms added after the original 1812 p~blication."~ Ths is a noble idea, commended by the editors, but the cat finally betrays the mouse when he gobbles her up at the end of the tale, flouting hs promise of companionshp. Ths treachery, whch breaks the bond of love, was also tied to a rustic tone evoked by the language and setting of the tale. The faithlessness is marked as a peasant vulgarity, though the ideal of companionshp is still cast in a favorable light. The message of the Grimms' versions of these tales, then, is not that marriages should arise from any modern idea of romantic passion. But faithful 45 "'Das Heiraten ist eine Freude und ist auch eine Qual."' "Die drei MBnnlein im Walde," KHM 1857,1:91. "'der grof3en Liebe und Freundschaft ..." "Katz und Maus in Gesellschaft," %id., 1:33. companionshp and other personal considerations begin to dominate purely mercenary factors. In one of the most famous fairy tales, "Rapunzel" ("Rapunzel," 12), love is an escape for the heroine to friendshp rather than love. Though the 1812 edition describes Rapunzel's relationshp to the prince, that "she liked the young lung so well.. .they lived merrily and in joy," by the last edition the Grimms had changed tlus to Rapunzel's musing that "'He would rather have me than old Frau Gothel [the witch]."'" The free and exuberant love of the earlier version was a fantasy unavailable to most readers. But by 1857, more decisions of spouse selection did take individual desires into account. Rapunzel chooses the prince as a better chance for happiness than her home with the witch, a decision that reflects the practical reality for young girls reading the tales and contemplating their own marriages. To prove that love was an attainable goal in the process of spouse selection, not just the entitlement of princesses in fairy stories, the Grimms included tales that portrayed love-matches in an otherwise traditional context. In "Die klare Sonne bringt's an den Tag" ("The Bright Sun Brings It to Light," 115), the Grimms describe a marriage process that would have been familiar to readers: When [a journeyman tailor] had traveled for a long time, he came to a city to work for a master, who had a beautiful daughter, with whom he fell in love and married her and lived in a good, merry marriage. Awhle later, when they had already two children, the father-in-law and the mother-in-law died and the young people had the household alone.48 47 "gefiel ihr der junge Konig so gut ... lebten sie lustig und in Freuden ..." " "Rapunzel," KHM 1812,1:41. "'Der wird mich lieber haben als die alte Frau Gothel."' Ibid., 1:89.*' "Wie er nun lange Zeit gereist war, kam er in eine Stadt bei einem Meister in Arbeit, der hatte eine schone Tochter in die verliebte er sich und heiratete sie und lebte in einer guten, vergniigten Ehe. Uber lang, als sie schon zwei Kinder hatten, starben Schwiegervater und Schwiegermutter, und die jungen Leute hatten den Haushalt allein." "Die klare Sonne bringt's an den Tag," KHM 1857,2:150. The importance of inheritance to determining marriage age and spouse selection was paramount.49 Ths tailor's betrothal is a predictable marriage of interest as much as any such alliance in nineteenth-century German families, yet the Grimms also remind us that it was based on love. Similarly, another virtuous tailor of "Die Geschenke des kleinen Volkes" ("The Gifts of the Little Folk," 182) claims just enough gold from the fairies he encounters to satisfy hs domestic dreams: "'now I can become a master, marry my pleasant little hng (how he called hs sweetheart) and be a happy man."'50 He is marked as a good man both by his lack of greed and by hs eagerness to settle down in matrimony with a loving wife. A tlurd example of hs group of tales whch combine romance and traditional marriages is "Die Nixie im Teich ("The Nixie in the Pond," 181)' in whch a huntsman's apprentice falls in love with a "beautiful and faithful maiden" in the village. To his good fortune, "when hs lord observed tlus, he gave hm a little house; the two held a wedding, lived quietly and happily and loved one another from the heart."51 Ths aristocratic blessing on their marriage would indeed have been providential, but it also reminds readers of the Grimms' bourgeois blessing on the Liebesheirat in general. Of course, the choice to marry for love is not universally presented as a virtuous one. There are occasional examples of love-matches that lead to disastrous ends. "Die drei Schlangenblatter" ("The Three Snake Leaves," 16)is one such tale, whch features the obsessive, demanding love of the "very 49 See, among others, David Sabean, Kiizship in Neckarllausen, 1700-1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 50 "'jetzt werde ich Meister, heirate meinen angenehmen Gegenstand (Wie er seine Liebster nannte) und bin ein glucklicher Mann."' "Die Geschenke des kleinen Volkes," KHM 1857,2:360. "ein schones und treues Madchen.. .und als sein Her das bemerkte, schenkte er ihm ein kleines Haus; die beiden hielten Hochzeit, lebten ruhig und glucklich und liebten sich von Herzen." "Die Nixie im Teich," Ibid., 2:354. beautiful" but "very strange" princess. She refuses to marry unless her betrothed will promise to be buried alive with her if she were to die first. The hero is able to revive her magically in hs event, but after her resurrection the queen becomes even more bizarre, and conspires with her lover to lull her husband. Even here, however, the Grimms explained away the infidelity in their annotation by writing that it shows only "that she has forgotten the previous life and has begun a new one."" Whether hs particular instance demonstrates a condemnation of foolish love-matches, such rare examples are exceptions to the general attitude of the editors toward spouse selection based on love. Throughout the body of tales whch depict Liebesheimten, a large portion of the total collection, the Grimms advocate for romance and individual desire to be a dominant factor in spouse selection. They also use such moments to work through ideas about destiny, the meaning of love, degrees of romantic attachment, and what is owed to the betrothed. But love ultimately trumps other reasons for marriage in these examples, including the factor of parental wishes. In a tale added in 1850, "Jungfrau Maleen" ("Maid Maleen," 198),the eponymous heroine is so in love with her prince that she defies her father's choice of a husband, saying "I cannot and want not to take any other as my lord."53 She endures severe punishment for her disobedience, but from the glad reuniting of the lovers at the end of the tale, it is clear that her father was in the wrong to prevent true love for hs own selfish interest. As the Grimms developed their concept of the ideal German family and the ideal marriage, love 52 "dai3 sie das vorige vergessen und ein neues Leben angefangen habe." KHM:Anrnerkungen 1856,39. 53 "'Ich kann und will keinen andern zu meinem Gemahl nehmen."' "Jungfrau Maleen," KHM 1857,2:419. gradually crept into more and more tales across editions. The original 1812 version of "Die weii3e Schlange" ("The White Snake," 17) concludes with tlus sentence: "Then he became the husband of the princess and, when her father died, King over all the land."5% happy enough ending, but by 1857 the Grimms had added a final episode for the tale. Ths addition explained that the reluctant princess had eaten an apple from the Tree of Life, and that "her heart filled with love" for her intended.55 The editors were not content to rest with the origtnal endings, but, as the collection gained in popularity, incorporated more depictions of virtuous love throughout the tales. Tales of Interest Allinnces Certainly, many readers of the Grimms' collection continued to marry for reasons other than personal affection during tlus period in Central Europe, and marriages of interest play a prominent role in the tales of the KHM. Three different strategies dominate such alliances, just as spouse selection in reality was based on a variety of factors: characters in the tales marry for family advantage, for money, and for the economic value of the spouse beyond wealth. The family alliances wkch were prevalent in nineteenth-century marriages are vaguely represented in the tales by men and women who marry to satisfy their parents' wishes rather than their own desires. Class-climbing marriages will be discussed in the next section, though class exogamy is the most common method of marrying for money in the Grimms' stories and is relevant to hs section. A related strategy is seen in the characters who choose to marry spouses who will bring them financial benefits not explicitly money. 54 "Da ward er der Gemahl der Prinzessin und, als ihr Vater starb, Konig uber das game Land." "Die weii3e Schlange," KHM 1812, 1:67. 55 "da ward ihr Herz mit Liebe zu ihm erfiillt ..." "Die weii3e Schlange," KHM 1857, 1:117. The choice of a husband made by a young woman's parents could determine the course of her life, and German bourgeois intellectuals who were invested in the "marriage question" were concerned that such decisions be made judiciously. But obedience to family wishes was valued side-by-side with an increasing emphasis on the virtue of individual love. One of the most common motifs in the tales shows lungs who promise (the beauty of) their daughters as a reward to anyone who can aid the lung. Nearly ten percent of the 211 tales published in the 1857edition of the KHM are centered on hs theme, whch usually ends in the quiet acceptance of the princess marrying for her father's advantage. Occasionally the father is shown to be misguided in giving hs daughter to an evil husband, and greed is certainly not rewarded. The orignal version whch the Grimms recorded of "Das Madchen ohne Hande" ("The Maiden Without Hands," 31) presented a despicable tale of incest in whch the shningly virtuous daughter was so pure that she allowed her hands to be chopped off rather than submit to her father's lust. The Grimms balked at including such a story, and argued that the other version whch they selected for publication was more complete.56 In tlus version, the father's evil ways are represented by his willingness to sell hs daughter to the devil for riches, and even cuts off her hands hmself. Though her willing submission is virtuous when she says, "Dear father, do with me what you will, I am your child," the father is clearly evil to sacrifice hs daughter in marriage to an evil husband.57 Yet even here the editors left I-um off rather easily, implying that he was compelled to such actions by the "KHM:Aiznzerkrlngelz 1856,69-70. 57 '"Lieber Vater, macht mit mir, was Ihr wollt, ich bin Euer Kind."' "Das Madchen ohne Hande," KHM 1857,1:177. devil, and that he truly loves hs chld. A father's authority to award hs daughter in marriage to a husband of hs choice is not totally undermined. Similarly in "Die Rauberbrautigam" ("The Robber Bridegroom," 40), the lower- class father's greed is punished when he promises hs daughter to the first rich man who comes along, though she "Ad not have the right love for hm as a bride should have for her bridegroom," a line added later by the Grimms.'' Nevertheless, it is remarked that the father only "wished that she would be provided for and well married," and that hs desire to marry her to any rich man is not completely ~nsuitable.~~ In general, obedience to parental decisions about spouse selection, particularly the obedience of daughters, is marked as a virtuous and desirable trait in the German family. Regardless of the presence of love in a match, daughters who accept their parents' wishes, as in "Des Teufels rut3iger Bruder" ("The Devil's Sooty Brother," loo), "out of love," are noble and proper. 60 Women who marry seemingly disgusting husbands to honor their parents' promises, as in "Der Barenhauter" ("The Bearsktn," 101), are always rewarded in the end.61 Throughout the collection, marriages for family advantage are predominantly approved. Though parents are urged not to choose spouses for their children blindly or for selfish reasons, it remains their prerogative to expect willing obedience during spouse selection. The second major strategy of interest marriages shown in the tales is the most obvious-marrying for money. As noted earlier, financial advancement 5B "hatte ihn nicht so recht lieb, wie eine Braut ihren Brautigam liebhaben soll.. ." "Die Rauberbrautigam," Ibid., 1:219. 59 "wunschte er, sie ware versorgt und gut verheiratet" Ibid., 1:219. 60 "ihrem Vater zuliebe.. ." "Des Teufels rui3iger Bruder," KHM1857,236. "Der Barenhauter," Ibid., 2:90. plays a part in the many class-crossing marriages of the collection, often as a result of the common motif described above, when the talented commoner completes tasks set by a lung and wins half a lungdom along with hs bride. In a few instances, the victor avoids the marriage altogether, leaving only with money as hs reward for helping the lung. In "Die vier kunstreichen Briider" ("The Four Sk~llful Brothers," 129), the princess is rescued from a dragon and returned to her father by four brothers, who could not share the prize of her hand in marriage. Instead, they take the financial reward and live happily with their father for the rest of their lives.62 More typically, however, money is a reward whch accompanies a good match, and in some tales, as it was in life, money is the goal of a good alliance. The title character of "Hans Heiratet" ("Hans Marries," 84) is solely engaged in pursuing such a marriage. HIScousin helps him in his spouse selection, loolung for a rich farmer's daughter whom he can trick into marrying Hans. In a series of comical deceptions, he accomplishes hs goal, and wins a wife from her greedy father. In every example of choosing a spouse for money given in the KFiTM, it is either signified as avarice in the worst way, or is covered over by the insistence that the couple is also marrying for love. A subtle variation on the marriage for money creates the hrd major strategy of interest marriages portrayed in the Grimms' collection. The economic value of the spouse, beyond personal or family worth, can be an important factor. In "Die drei Spinnerinnen" ("The Three Spinners," 14), a girl falsely wins a noble husband through her remarkable spinning slull (similar to the miller's daughter in the famous "Rumpelstiltzchen," 55). The queen explicitly tells her "'even though you are poor, I don't mind it, your assiduous industry is dowry "Die vier kunstreichen Briider," Ibid., 2:206 enough."'63 Though his wealth means it is not necessary to find a rich wife, the prince is also proud of hs prospective bride's talent. The ugly but magically talented women who really do the spinning are a constant fixture in hs tale throughout editions, but in 1819 the Grimms replaced the orignal version with one that emphasized the economic value of a bride's slull. The marriage partnershtp contains a clear economic purpose in many tales, expressing the function of marriage in the household. In one of the animal stories, "Die Hochzeit der Frau Fuchsin" ("The Wedding of Mrs. Fox," 38), the widowed Mrs. Fox finally chooses another husband. When preparing for the wedding, she remarks about her old one that, "he brought many a hck, fat mouse/ he devoured them always alone /but he gave me none."'j4 She picks her new spouse because hs role is to be a good provider, a desirable trait in any husband. The mother in the short tale "Die Brautschau" ("The Bride Exhbition," 155) gves definitive advice on the subject when she tells her son to watch lus three prospective spouses cut into cheese and base Is decision on that. She tells him to choose wife who is not gluttonous, but thrifty, peeling off just enough rind of the cheese.65 In "Die kluge Bauerntochter" ("The Clever Farmer's Daughter," 94), the lung marries a poor farmer's daughter with no dowry, simply because she displays a quick intelligence, a valuable asset in his governing.66 Though the men and women in these cases do not marry for romantic reasons, the emphasis on talent and desirable personal traits is nevertheless connected to the new Romantic ideal of the individual. Despite the 63 "'bist du gleich arm, so acht ich nicht darauf, dein unverdrogner Fleig ist Ausstattung genug."' "Die drei Spinnerinnen," Ibid., 1:98. 64 "'Bracht so manche dicke, fette Maus/ fraB sie immer alleinel gab mir aber keine."' "Die Hochzeit der Frau Fiichsin," Ibid., 1:215. 6"'Die Brautschau," Ibid., 2:271. 66 "Die kluge Bauerntochter," Ibid., 2:57-60. practical, even mercenary tone of such engagements, in hs way they are among the most modern marriages to be found in the tales. Remnants of an earlier system of marriage can be seen in the tales where love is not even mentioned. In some stories-for example, the common motif of the virtuous young man winning the princess's hand-there is no censure of a loveless match, simply the acceptance of a marriage of interest. These tales reward the talents or trickery of common men who win wealthy brides through magic, guile, or personal virtue, whle the romantic feelings of the individuals involved are absent. However, as mentioned in the section about love-matches in the tales, another techruque employed by the Grimms in their record of advantage-marriages in these stories is the imposition of love on what is otherwise a marriage of interest. The prince's original goal may be to win the race, the golden bird, half a lungdom, but along the way he is struck by the incomparable beauty of the princess, and she naturally falls in love with hm. The advantage gained by the alliance is therefore cast as a secondary prize, subordinate to the importance of romance. Largely, then, marriages of interest in the Grimms' tales are either transmuted into love-matches or explained as virtuous obedience or practical rationality, both desirable features of the emerging German family. One category contradicts hs, however: in several tales of peasant marriages, the arrangements leading to the alliance are derided and criticized by the narrator. Rustic abuse and stupidity are developed into a comic stereotype of unloving lower-class marriages. Two tales in particular, both drawn by the Grimms from seventeenth-century written sources and added after the first edition, show hs attitude toward peasant marriages in tales of spouse selection. "Hans heiratet," discussed earlier, is one such story. Both the greedy wealthy farmer who is tricked into giving his daughter to poor Hans, and Hans hmself, pursuing a loveless but financially advantageous marriage, are portrayed in a moclung and negative light. The tale is amusing, but it is intended to be humorous at the expense of the peasant couple it depicts. A similar attitude is obvious in "Der faule Heinz" ("Lazy Heinz," 164): Heinz was lazy, and although he had notlung more to do than drive hs goat daily to the pasture, nevertheless he sighed when, after a full day's work, he came home in the evenings.. ..He sat down, collected hs thoughts, and considered how he could free hs shoulders from tlus burden.. .."I know what I'll do," he cried out, "I'll marry fat Trina, who also has a goat, and can drive mine with her, so I need no longer torment myself."67 Foolish Heinz gets hs wish, but hs wife is equally lazy and their marriage is one of sloth and idiocy. Early nineteenth-century bourgeois fears about the mercenary and licentious nature of lower-class marriage can clearly be seen in these tales. The stories match the development of marriage restrictions in the mid nineteenth-century, whch emerged from middle-class debates over the purpose of marriage. Many hstorians attribute these laws, whch limited marriage to people from the same region of sufficient wealth and socially desirable characteristics, to the spread of Malthusian ideas about overpopulation.68 There is a subtext to tales about ignorant peasant betrothals, suggesting that these alliances are dangerous to society, and that families should not be propagated on such relationshps. Thus, traditional marriages of interest 67 "Heinz war faul, und obgleich er weiter nichts zu tun hatte, als seine Ziege taglich auf die Weide zu treiben, so seufzte er dennoch, wenn er nach vollbrachtem Tagewerk abends nach Hause kam ....Er setzte sich, sammelte seine Gedanken und iiberlegte, wie er seine Schultern von dieser Biirde frei machen konnte ....'Ich weiiS, was ich tue,' rief er aus,' ich heirate die dicke Trine, die hat auch eine Ziege und kann meine mit austreiben, so brauche ich mich nicht langer zu ~ualen."' "Der faule Heinz," Ibid., 2:293-294. John Knodel, "Law, Marriage and Illegitimacy in Nineteenth-Century Germany," Popt~lnfio~z Studies 20, no. 3 (1967):280-281. are approved in the context of measured middle-class ideals-obedience, talent, financial security, and at least the language of personal affection. But the mercenary advantage marriages of comically foolish peasants are condemned. Tales on Class Exogamy As the tales whch portray unloving and ridiculous peasant marriages demonstrate, class is an important distinction that occupied the Grimms in their development of ideal German values. From the beginning of their project, the scholars had struggled with class. Emerging from a particular social group and, despite their eventual fame, remaining firmly in the intellectual middle-class, they were committed to an idea of "folk" literature that derived from some undefined "common people." The storytellers and newspapers that provided the Grimms with material for their folklore collection, however, came in reality from a wide span of geographcal and social backgrounds, including affluent bourgeois intellectuals like the Grimms. Betrothals that cross class lines- exogamous relationshps-pervade the tales in the KHM. But are such alliances the expression of a radical social attitude encouraging farmers and tailors and soldiers to puncture class barriers? A significant number of tales suggest that class pride is a corruption of the aristocracy, but as many urge the maintenance of social stratification. The prevalent motif earlier mentioned, whch shows a common suitor winning the princess's hand through feats of valor for her father, is the most obvious evidence for a liberal attitude toward social relations. In several such tales, the Grimms appear to be malung a violent attack on class pride in the aristocracy. The sick princess's father in "Der Vogel Greif" ("The Griffin," 165) promises her hand to anyone who will cure her. But though a peasant's son called Simple Hans makes her well and the lung joyful, the kng then deades he does not want to give a peasant hs daughter. Nevertheless, Hans succeeds in other tasks, winning the princess. Similar scenes of noble ingratitude are met with a stronger response by the hero, often involving the humbling of excessively proud nobles.69 The evil queen of "Die sechs Diener" ("The Six Servants," 134)is at fault for instilling a false pride in her daughter's heart, telling her "'it is a disgrace for you that you should obey a base commoner and are not allowed to choose a husband after your lilung.""'O The editors clearly give favor to the sly common hero of "Das tapfere Schneiderlein" ("The Brave Little Tailor," 20) when he tricks hs way into a royal family. And the nobles' class pride is shown to be disgraceful: "NOW [the new queen] realized in whch lane the young lord had been born, the next morning she whned to her father about her suffering and asked that her would help her be rid of a man who was nohng other than a tailor."71 Their betrayal of the marriage bond is meant to be despicable. In "Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren" ("The Devil With the Three Gold Hairs," 29), the lung's arrogance and fear of common dilution of hs family is not just criticized, but shown to be evil. He tries to drown a poor chld prophesied to marry the princess, congratulating hmself, "'I have saved my daughter from an unexpected [undesirable] suitor."'72 In hs version of the 69 Whle virtuous maidens do marry lungs, class usually emerges as a significant theme in stories of common men pursuing princesses. 70 "'Schande fiir dich, daf3 du gemeinem Volk gehorchen sollst und dir einen Gemahl nicht nach deinem Gefallen wahlen darfst."' "Die sechs Diener," KHM 1857,2:226-227. 71 "Da merkte sie, in welche Gasse der junge Herr geboren war, klagte am andern Morgen ihtem Vater ihr Leid und bat, er mochte ihr von dem Manne helfen, der nichts anders als ein Scneider ware." "Das tapfere Schneiderlein," Ibid., 1:136. 72 "'Von dem unerwarteten Freier habe ich meine Tochter geholfen."' "Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren," Ibid., 1:167. story, whch hghlights the noble arrogance and was substituted for an earlier edition, the end of the story shows not only the predicted marriage. It concludes by telling us that the lung was forced to ferry people across a river "as punishment for hs sins."73 In these stories, the Grimms favor the virtuous or clever commoners and we feel that the aim of a class-crossing marriage should be rewarded. The real sin of noble arrogance is that it rejects true love in favor of material concerns. As mentioned in the section on love matches in the tales, the class pride of the princess in "Die weliSe Schlange" has to be redeemed by the magical addition of romance to the union. Ths, and the tales just described, is not a call to arms for the lower classes to break down social stratification. Humility is the virtue here, not class exogamy itself. In "Sechse kommen durch die ganze Welt" ("Six Advance Through the Whole World," 71) the common soldier humbles the arrogant lung and princess by triumphng in every task that is set to hm. But at the end of the story, he chooses a reward of gold rather than marriage, whch is clearly meant to be a satisfactory conclusion. The same thing happens in "Die sechs Diener," when the exogamous marriage is not the goal or result of the commoners' toil, but success and money are. Whle those tales whch portray successful class-crossing marriages are ultimately not robust support for a general liberal attitude toward class distinctions, much firmer statements appear in stories that argue to maintain social stratification. Not all noble maidens who object to the low status of their intendeds are deemed overly proud. In "Der getreue Johannes" ("Faithful Johannes, 6) the princess exhbits a typical reaction when she believes she has 73 "zur Strafe fur seine Siinden." Ibid., 1:174. been carried off "'in the power of a merchant, I would rather die!"'7"ut the lung quickly reassures her that he is not inferior in birth, allowing her to quickly fall in love with him. The message is clear: aristocracy should marry aristocracy. And even in tales like "Die sechs Diener" or "K6nig Drosselbartff ("hg Thrushbeard, 52), whch seem to show the humbling of a prideful princess by a common husband, it is revealed in the end that the commoner is truly of noble birth. After all, class-crossing alliances could hardly be encouraged to young people and parents reading the KHM, when such stereotypes of peasants as t2us can be found in the collection: The lung of "Die drei Federn" ("The Three Feathers, 63) sends hs three sons to find the most beautiful woman in the world, promising hs lungdom to the victor. At the end of the tale, the two older sons argue that the winner should be the one whose chosen bride can jump through a hoop, for "they thought, 'The peasant women can do this, they are sturdy enough, but the tender maiden will jump to her death."' The brothers are wrong, though, and the refined princess beats the peasant women, who fall from clumsiness and break their "fat arms and legs."75 The importance of maintaining class separation during spouse selection is also shown in more subtle ways. In "Die Gansemagd" ("The Goose Girl," 89), the chambermaid's true crime is not that she lies and hurts her mistress, but that in pretending to be a princess and degrading the true one, she defies acceptable behavior for their different positions. Two tales show a desire to maintain class in spouse selection in the face of more modem ideas about love. In "Der 74 "'in die Fewalt eines Kaufmanns geraten, lieber wollt ich sterben!"' "Der getreue Johannes," KHM 1857, 1:59. 75 "Sie dachten: 'Die Baurenweiber konnen das wohl, die sind stark genug, aber das zarte Fraulein springt sich tot.'. ..sie fielen und ihre groben Arme und Beine entzweibrachen." "Die drei Federn," Ibid., 1:345-346. Eisenhans" ("Iron Hans," 136), the reader is shown that the princess has fallen in love with the hero early in the tale, because of hs golden hair and slulls as a knight. But she does not agree to marry hm until after the revelation of hrs wealth and noble birth. The prince of "Der Ratsel" ("The Rzddle," 22) encounters two likely candidates for hrs love in the course of the tale. But neither the lund peasant maiden nor the virtuous innkeeper's daughters win hs affections, and it is another noble he marries at the end of the story. One of the animal stories, "Der Hase und der Igel" ("The Hare and the Hedgehog," 187), whch was added to the collection in 1843, gives the definitive word on social exogamy: "But the moral of hs story is.. .it is advisable that when a man wants to get married, he take a wife from hs own class and one who looks just like hm. Thus, whoever is a hedgehog must see to it that hs wife is also a hedgehog and so The attitude that social stratification should be maintained ultimately dominates the Grimms' collection. It is true that class pride is sometimes conquered by a virtuous commoner. But in most cases, there is a magical destiny that hovers around the chosen hrd son or tailor or soldier, marlung hm for the greatness of a noble marriage. Such alliances are not intended to be open to simply any common man. Exogamy in the tales of the KHM does not reflect a radical social vision, but rather the rare fantasy of a bourgeois attitude that at once objected to the privileges of aristocracy, but feared the perceived vices and deficiencies of the lower classes. '"'De Lehre aver uut disser Geschicht is.. .datt et gerahden is, wenn eener freet, datt he sick ne Fro uut sienem Stande nimrnt un de just so uutsiiht as he siilwst. Wer also en Swinegel is, de mutt tosehn, datt siene Fro ook en Swinegel is, un so wieder." "Der Hase und der Igel," Ibid., 2:379-380. Translation Zipes, 591. Matrimony In the romance of these tales, what leads up to the marriage is sometimes the focus of a story. What follows often has to do with birth and chldren, as will be discussed in the second part of hs thesis. But there are a few that deal with married life after the wedding, and I will briefly discuss the romantic revolution in the context of such tales. If the determining factor of spouse selection is meant to be individual affection, how should love affect behavior in matrimony? The tales of the KHM show the Grimms elevating love in marriage through two important themes, both distinctly connected to class, that concerned contemporary bourgeois observers occupied with the "marriage question": abuse and infidelity. Several stories of peasant marriages filled with idiocy, imprudence, and comic abuse portray the results of an unloving relationship. And in a continuation of the betrothal promise discussed earlier in hs chapter, noble women are charged to be unconditionally faithful to their husbands out of the bond of true love. Just as the most negative attitude the Grimms display toward interest marriages is concentrated in tales of mercenary peasant engagements, the portrayal of lower-class marriages is equally critical. The stupidity and abuse is firmly attributed to the absence of love within the marriages. It is interesting to note that the Grimms added many of these tales in the 1830s and 1840s, from newspapers and novels rather than "authentic" oral folk sources. In "Der faule Heinz," we saw that lazy Heinz only chooses to marry "fat Trina" from a desire not to drive hs goat to the pasture. Their married life continues that behavior, which the Grimms clearly condemn, no matter how amusing the follies are. Heinz and Trina are too lazy to care for their goats, so they trade them for bees. Then Heinz accuses Trina of eating all the honey, so they buy geese instead. Trina agrees happily, but not before they have a chld to do the work. Heinz replies, "Do you hnk.. .the youth will tend the geese? These days the chldren don't obey anymore."77 His equally unfeeling wife claims she will just beat the chld until he works, and that settles the argument. Yet this is not the most scathing depiction of peasant marriages, with several tales providing a comic picture of the opposite of the Grimms' ideal of domestic companionship: physical abuse. "Lieb und Leid Teilen" ("Sharing Joys and Sorrows," 170) tells of a "quarrelsome" tailor who "grumbled, scolded, fought, and beat" hs pious wife. He is sent to prison for hs behavior, though it is not clear if "punishing" hs wife is the fault as much as his extreme unloving actions. The court instructs hm "to live with her peaceably, share joys and sorrows as those in a couple are meant to d~."~%is scandalous behavior is not merely violence, but violence in what should be a sanctified, loving bond. The tale "Der Frieder und das Catherlischen" ("Freddy and Katie," 59) describes a man and woman setting up house together, and the foolish antics that follow. The story primarily details the confusion and idiocy of the wife, Katy, but Freddy's unkind attitude is also under criticism. Peasant marriages that are sordid financial arrangements are much despised in hs collection. Such terms may seem strong given that the other feature uniting these tales is comedy, but the editors use humor to make clearly distinct the faults of a class whose imagined moral behavior made bourgeois 77 "'Meinst du.. .der Junge werde Ganse hiiten? Heutzutage gehorchen die Kinder nicht mehr.. ." "Der faule Heinz," KHM 1857,2:295. 78 "friedlich mit ihr zu leben, Lieb und Leid zu teilen, wie sich's unter Eheleuten gebiihrt." "Lieb und Leid Teilen," %id., 2319. intellectuals like the Grimms uneasy. In "Die klugen Leute" ("The Clever People," 104), a farmer leaving hs wife to manage the household calls her stupid and warns her that if anytlung goes wrong in hs absence, he will "'color your back blue, and that without paint, only with the stick, whch I have in my hand, and the painting should last for a whole year.. At the end of the tale, the despicable farmer is proud of ks success, but the editors have the last word: "but to you [the reader] certainly the simple people [the family the farmer cheats] are better."80 His other undesirable traits are accompanied almost as a matter of course by an abusive relationshp with ks wife, and the Grimms placed tlus behavior in a different category from the genteel world of their readers. "Die Hagere Liese" ("Lean Liese," 168)provides an example where the abuse goes both directions. Here, the objectionable lower-class trait is not laziness, but a greedy drudgery: Liese forces her husband to work to exhaustion. At the end of the tale, lying in bed together after an argument, Lenz threatens to ht her. She responds by pulling hs hair, and then he smothers her in a pillow until she falls asleep. Neither spouse emerges as a sympathetic character, and both are definite stereotypes. "Die hagere Liese" even references "Der faule Heinz," as though the characters in the tales are somehow aware of each other. A "Lazy Heinz" and "Lean Liese" are figures who will appear in other satires. Lower-class wives and husbands are shown to be either lazy or greedy, abusive or deceptive, and more concerned about personal welfare than the emotional structure of their families. One woman is so indolent that she expends an enormous effort "haunting" her husband and convincing hm that she should 79 "'streiche ich dir den Riicken blau an, und das ohne Farbe, bloB rnit dem Stock, den ich da in der Hand habe, und der Anstrich sol1 ein ganzes Jahr halten.. ." "Die klugen Leute," Ibid., 2:96. "aber dir sind gewiB die Einfaltigen lieber." "Die klugen Leute," Ibid., 2:100. not have to spin. At the conclusion of hs tale, "Die faule Spinnerin" ("The Lazy Spinner," 128),the Grimms give another moral aside to the reader. Whereas the deceptive tailor of "Das tapfere Schneiderlein" is to be admired for winning the princess he loves, hs story ends, "But you must say yourself, she was a foul woman." She has not fulfilled the part of her marriage contract to obey her husband, and again the Grimms separate unloving marriage behavior from their readers' value system. In perhaps the most outrageous tale of peasant relations, "Der alte Hildebrand" ("Old Hildebrand," 95), we see an even more extreme failure to honor the marriage vows: Once upon a time there was a farmer and his wife. The village priest had taken a lilung to the farmer's wife and kept wishng that he could spend one whole day alone with her in pleasure. The woman would have liked that too.81 The lecherous priest concocts a plan that removes the husband from the house, so they can eat everything, play music, and generally carouse. The loving farmer is held to be quite wihn hs rights in thls case to use violence at the end of the tale when he discovers the plot. Whle abuse and slothfulness are warned against in the tales of disastrous peasant marriages, the married life of the upper classes is also under scrutiny in the Grimms' collection. Female fidelity is the key to a worthy noble marriage, and women are charged to maintain the family through obedience and devotion. Women should be faithful, the unspoken argument goes, because that is what wives owe their husbands in the contract of marriage, but fidelity should be inspired by love. A faithful, loving relationslxp is the domain of upper class "Es war amahl a Baur und a Baurin, und do Baurin, do hat der Pfarra im Dorf gern gesegn, und da hater alleweil gwunschen, wann er nur amahl an ganzen Tag mit der Baurin allan recht vergniigt zubringa kunnt, und der Baurin, der war's halt a recht gwesn." "Der alte Hildebrand," Ibid., 2:61. Translation Zipes, 349-350. virtue, and the ideal foundation of a German family. Infidelity after the wedding is greatly feared, and correspondingly punished. The hero of "Der Kiinig vom goldenen Berg" ("The fing of the Golden Mountain," 92) gains possession of the eponymous mountain when he chops off the heads of everyone else in the palace. Ths butchery is inspired by hs wife's betrayal to marry another man. The common motif earlier discussed, in whch the hero is bewitched into forgetting hs betrothed but eventually won back by her long-suffering fidelity, can be seen also with husbands and wives. When her spouse is transformed into a dove, the heroine of "Das singende, springende Loweneckerchen" ("The Singing, Springng Lark," 88) is instructed: "'For seven years I must fly away around the world; but each seventh step [you take] I will let fall a red drop of blood and a whte feather, whch should show you the way, and if you follow the track, you can redeem me.""" Ths she faithfully undertakes (abandoning her chld), but one day in her journey the dove disappears. She discovers that he has become engaged again to another princess, and only by gaining access to hs bedroom does she regain hm. He tells her at the end of the tale, "'Now I am truly redeemed, it was like a dream, because the strange princess had enchanted me that I must forget you, but God has just at the right hour taken the bewitchment from me."'83 He is not at any fault for hs infidelity, but hs wife's devotion proves the sacred bond of love whch unites them. 82 "'Sieben Jahr mui3 ich in die Welt fortfliegen; alle sieben Schritte aber will ich einen roten Blutstropfen und eine weige Feder fallen lassen, die sollen dir den Weg zeigen, und wenn du der Spur folgst, kannst du mich erlosen."' "Das singende, springende Loweneckerchen," Ibid., 2:20. 83 "'Jetzt bin ich erst recht erlost, mir ist gewesen wie in einem Traum, denn die fremde Konigstochter hatte mich bezaubert, dai3 ich dich vergessen muGte, aber Gott hat noch zu rechter Stunde die Betorung von mir genommen."' "Das singende, springende Loweneckerchen," Ibid., ?.'-I9 Throughout tales of married life, the idea of Liebesheirnt is expressed in marital roles. Model upper-class marriages are those in which the faithful wife is devoted to her husband out of love; contemptible peasant marriages are those of a lazy and abusive couple, in a relationshp without affection. It is not simply that love is a common theme in the tales, which makes clear the Grimms' attitude toward marriage. But loving behavior is accompanied by a list of other desirable traits-fidelity, refinement, devotion to the family-that create ideal citizens. Correspondingly, in marriages without love, or where the vows of love are betrayed, the characters exhbit deceitfulness, laziness, and laughable stupidity. It is true that the comedy of married life has long been simply a ready stage for entertaining stories. But the humor or drama is used to illustrate the importance of personal love in marriage just as strongly as it is advanced in tales of spouse selection. Conclusion Perhaps one of the most strikng changes in interpersonal relationshps in German families during the period of KHM publication was in their mode of address. Husband and wife ceased to call one another by the formal pronoun Sie, and began using the familiar and intimate Du after the wedding.84 The conjugal relationshp was being rewritten as one based on personal love, rather than the economic or social concerns of a wider group. Romantic affection did not effect an immediate transformation of experience, but developed in the space of ideas. Both in the process of spouse selection and the parameters of matrimony, the ideal of romantic love emerged for German families and in the Grimms' work. For all the frailty of his argument, Edward Shorter formulated the importance of sentiment change well when he wrote, "For the larger narrative of family hstory, hs transformation of courtship is both an element and an index."85 The privilegng of love over other structures in the marriage affected ideas and behavior in the other relationshps in the family; furthermore, the development of hs ideal reflects a broader emphasis on individual choice and the sanctity of the family unit. Though Peter Borscheid is correct that it was a "small, elite, free-floating minority, whose secure financial position" permitted marriages based on love, hs does not negate the importance of the romantic revolution in the imagnation of German The elite minority was given a means of expression for their ideal of the Liebeslzeirat in the tales of the KHM. As the popularity of the 84 Interestingly, this change was paralleled by one in the parent-child relationshtp of the same period. Children still used the formal Sie to address their parents by the end of the Grimms' lives, but this itself was a radical move from the third-person Er that children had traditionally used when speaking to the ultimate authority figure of a parent. Nipperdey, Gernzatzy, 99-101. 85 Shorter, The Making oftlze Modern Family, 121. 86 Borscheid, "Romantic Love," 167. book grew, the idea of choosing a spouse for love and the importance of affection in the marital relationship both gained cultural currency. Borscheid writes that many people "imitated the bourgeois affectations about sensuality and the union of souls" from a sense of etiquette and "what 'those above' held to be pr~per."'~ But the obsession with love that runs through the Grimms' collection is more than etiquette. It is the insistence on a new set of values for private life. A perfect marriage was one based on love, and the perfect family was one built off hs conjugal companionshp. The KHM was a place for the Grimms to work out ideas about marriage and the family. The prevalence of love-matches in the tales does not prove that masses of German people had begun to marry only for romance, nor do these stories portray a modern sense of passion triumphng over financial concerns. But neither does the continued presence of economically motivated marriages in the collection mean that the editors were entrenched in an old-fashoned idea whle a romantic revolution was in sway around them. What the tales do show is that the Grimms and other bourgeois intellectuals-some of the people most deeply engaged in German nationalism-wnnted love to be important. Personal intimacy in the family had become culturally desirable. The cult of domesticity gathered steam in German culture concurrently with the political ideal of a unified Germany. In his discussion of the late eighteenth-century elite classes, James Sheehan makes the connection between the ideal of romance and the "moral core of a new social order" explicit. He writes that the non-noble elites experienced: - 87 Borscheid, "Romantic Love," 167. a growing appreciation for the affective side of family relations, an increased sense of the emotional bonds between men and women.. .Among these new 6lites of property and education are to be found the chef creators and consumers of a new, national culture, whch at once drew upon and helped to clarify their social experience and private sensibilitie~.~~ The political unification of Germany was to be based on a unified set of cultural values, and one version of those values finds expression in the Grimms' KHM. The place of personal love in a marriage was one piece of the mores the editors explored in their collection, significant for its part played in the formation of family. But the early nineteenth century was a time of transformation in varied elements of German culture, and in multiple points of the family's role and structure. Another feature of the new family that the Grimms developed over the course of their work was the purpose of chldren and the parental relationshp. What would be the result of marriages based on love? The treatment of hs question in the tales of the KHM is the subject of the next chapter. James Sheehan, German History, 1770-1866 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 143. PARTTWO Family Propagation What is the happy ending of a fairy tale? For any modern American raised on Walt Disney films, the answer is obvious: a wedding. Yet the culmination of romantic love is hardly the most common conclusion to the tales recorded and revised by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm in the KHM. In fact, after the hero rescues the heroine (or vice versa) and all has been settled with the young people's parents, the tale usually continues past the marriage to a birth. Often the birth and its consequences become the dominant part of a story. Why is family propagation such a central theme in a collection famously known for stories of love and marriage? Where do the Grimms position themselves in the various debates about chldbirth in the nineteenth century? Family structure and relationshps, including sex and chldbirth, were important to the emerging idea of a unified German state that compelled the Grimm brothers. As with other features of the German family, birth and chldren were in great transition in nineteenth-century Europe. Understanding the dramatic demographc changes that surrounded the Grimms in their life and work is essential to examining birth in their tales. Such transitions are usually marked over long periods of time. Demographc lustorians can be reluctant to ascribe definitive causes to their limited sources or to identify trends on a smaller scale, preferring to discuss tendencies and broad sweeps of the past. And those arguments for the reasons behnd most demographc changes that are made often spark widely divided debate. But whle causality is disputed, the force of two trends is not debated: the "great demographc transition" of mortality and fertility rate declines, and a rise in the illegitimacy rate. In the nineteenth century, there was a dramatic fertility decline across Europe, a drop in the number of chldren born to each mother. Ths demographc transition is what David Kertzer and Mario Barbagli call "the single most important change in family life" between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries. In the last twenty years, scholars have reconsidered the traditional explanations of hs phenomenon. Contrary to the expected pattern, that parents choose to have fewer chldren after they see more surviving, studies of mortality and fertility rates of the period have shown that the decline in fertility often preceded the decline in death rate.' In other words, the transition was not simply a result of improved health conditions that made couples feel it was possible to limit their family size. Some scholars have speculated that the birth rate change was based on the declining economic value of chldren in emerging capitalism and on a cultural setting that determined when different regions of similar socioeconomic situation began the transition. Susan Scrimshaw has even argued that the relationship is in reverse, writing that in periods of hgh fertility such adaptive strategies as infanticide and deliberate neglect were used to keep the death rate h~gh.~ Ths debate is unresolved, but whatever the cause, it is clear that shrikng household size was hghly 'David I. Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli, "Introduction" in Family Life in the Long Nineteenth Century 1789-1913, ed. Kertzer and Barbagli (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), xxiii. Susan C. Watluns, "Conclusions" in The Decline of Fertility in Europe, ed. Ansley J.Coale and Susan C. Watluns (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 436-437. Susan C. M. Scrimshaw, "Infant Mortality and Behavior in the Regulation of Family Size," Popt~lation arzd Dweloplnent Revim, 4, no. 3 (1978):383-403. significant to family life and to the ways a German family was conceived by those who were seelung to interpret culture such as Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. The second major demographic change in early nineteenth-century Germany was the dramatic increase in illegitimacy, which has sometimes tempted hstorians to put forth radical arguments about culture. The debate over the implications of the illegitimacy rise bears weight on scenes of extramarital sex in the KHM. In a 1971article in the Jozirnal of 17-zterdisciplinary History, Edward Shorter provocatively claimed that during the period a "revolution in eroticism" took young unmarried Europeans in the "direction of libertine sexual behavior."" Tlus claim incited responses from several other scholars who insisted on other explanations for the statistical change existed rather than an outright sexual revolution. An exchange in the same journal between Shorter and W. R. Lee explored several other possible explanatory factors, including: a) a weakening of the large household lunslup connections that regulated sexuality b) the limitation of the church's authority to regulate, c) the "demoralizing" impact of industrialization and urbanization on the connection between individual and community, and d) changes in legslation that restricted marriage but relaxed punishment for illegtimacy.~roadly spealung, Lee and several other lustorians sought to find a socioeconomic explanation that demonstrates that behavior continued in traditional patterns. On the other side, Shorter objected to their denial of "not even a touch of saucy rebelliousness" as part of their * Edward Shorter, "Illeg~timacy, Sexual Revolution, and Social Behavior in Modern Europe," Jor~rrzal of lrzterdisciplinnry History 2, no. 2 (1971):237-272. W. R. Lee, "Bastardy and the Socioeconomic Structure of South Germany," Jozlrnal of Itzterdisciplinary History 2, no. 3 (1977):403-425. Edward Shorter, "Bastardy in South Germany: A Comment," Jot~rizal of Interdisciplinny History, 8, no. 3 (1978):459-469. W.R. Lee, "Bastardy in South Germany: A Reply," Joztrizal of lnterdisciplinay History, 8, no. 3 (1978), 471-476. characterization of the period, and argued that any explanation had to include a recognition of changing social value^.^ In this chapter, I will examine the implications of these demographc changes for the depiction of birth in the tales of the KHIM, focusing on two significant themes in the collection: longing for chldren and extramarital conceptions. The first section addresses the emphasis the Grimms place on the desire to have chldren. Is the attitude toward childbirth in the tales a reactionary one, given the decline in fertility rates, or does their exhortation to treasure chldren match developments in the German family during the period? The second section attempts to reconcile the censorshp of illegitimacy in the tales with the inclusion of other sexually controversial material, and deals with the debate over sexual revolution and the rise in illegtimacy. In the KHM, the Grimms show a fear of sexual licentiousness among the lower classes that can be seen both in the removal of illegitimate births and in the other extramarital sexual behavior that is left in the collection to be mocked or condemned. Sexual life and chldbirth were no longer in the domain of survival and family economics. The KHM demonstrates that they have at once become part of a loving domestic sphere and yet also fallen under the regulation of the state. The Grimms advocate for an ideal German family in whch birth is controlled by a certain set of values. Through tales of princesses and farmers, hedgehogs and donkeys, they instruct that chldren should be treasured and that sexual behavior should be conducted respectably in the bonds of marriage. Shorter, "Bastardy in South Germany: A Comment," 459. Longing for Children The desire to have a chld drives the narrative in many of the tales chosen by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm to constitute the German folklore, and as the brothers edited the KHM, they further hghlighted the importance of chldbirth. Several stories open with der Kinderwunsch (wish for a chld), or the climactic release is found in the realization of chld-longing. Across stories and across editions, there is a consistent implicit assumption that a chldless couple must want a son or daughter. Birth is clearly positioned as a precious event in these tales. Efforts on the part of the Grimms-through source selection and stylistic elaboration-to contribute to an ideal attitude toward raising chldren can be seen in three motifs: First, chldbirth is positioned as automatically desirable and the editing choices emphasize that virtue. Second, chldren are a reward to be won by chldless couples, with all the language of prizes and treasure but beyond measures of wealth. Thrd, infertility is identified as a moral failing, whch causes barren people to be passionately envious of happy, blessed parents. What part did desire for cluldren play in the hstorical German family of the period? The Grimms hghlighted the importance of chldbirth throughout the tales, malung the desire for chldren almost inevitable. The wish of a childless couple for chldren is productive material for folktale openings. By choosing oral versions of the tales in 1810-1812 that expanded the scope of their stories' plots from the basic versions already known to folklorists, the Grimms often added prologues that begin with a chldless protagonist. In other stories, the action is completely motivated by longing to bear chldren. For example, "Daumesdick" ("Thumbling," 37), more commonly known in English as "Tom Thumb," tells of a farmer and his wife who hope for a chld and eventually get a son "no longer than a th~mb."~ "Daumesdick and other stories present a culture in whch the need to have chldren is considered an automatic drive, where chldless people would of course adopt any stray children who appear. Ths attitude is most present in "De drei Viigelkens" ("The Three Little Birds," 96), a story in dialect from Koterberg; in "Fundvogel" ("Foundling Bird," 51); and also in "Der Teufel mit dem drei goldenen Haaren" ("The Devil With the Three Gold Hairs," 29).8 In "Das Madchen ohne Hande" ("The Maiden Without Hands," 31), the lung leaves hs new bride to go to war. He puts her in the care of hs mother and says: "'If she comes to chldbed, then keep and feed her well and write to me immediately in a letter."'9 What does such a statement reveal about the value of chldbirth the Grimms were inculcating with their tales? Clearly, the pregnancy is expected and predictable, yet the moment also shows that a birth is precious, to be protected and treasured. Even some of the fairy tales that have remained popular in contemporary Western societies for their presentation of adventure and romance were organized around chldbirth in the German versions published by the Grimms. Two notable examples of tlus category are "Rapunzel" (12) and "Sneewittchen" ("Snow Whte," 53). In the former, every edition opens with the story of the couple "who had long wished for a chld and never received one, but finally the I'. ..nicht langer als ein Daumen war." Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Daumesdick," in Kinder- und Haus-marclzelz 1857, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1984), 1:206. "De drei Viigelkens," ibid., 2:65-69. "Fundvogel," ibid., 261-263. "Der Teufel rnit dem drei old en en Haaren," ibid., 1:167-174. "'Wenn sie ins Kindbett kommt, so haltet und verpflegt sie wohl und schreibt mir's gleich in einem Briefe."' "Das Madchen ohne Hande," ibid., 1:179. wife was expecting."1° Grateful for the long-awaited baby, the father-to-be risks everyhng to satisfy hs wife's wishes. Thus, it is the pregnancy whch sets the tale in motion. Similarly in "Sneewittchen," intense desire for a chld initiates the story and the iconic title-character is created by the magical consequences of wishng for a chld." In the strange elements of her desire-for a daughter as whte as snow, as red as blood, and as black as an ebony embroidery frame-the queen is perhaps unusual. Yet the Grimms also provide, in the chld Sneewittchenfs innocent and obedient good nature, an example of perfection to any ordinary young woman learning from hs story how to long for a chld and family. The virtue of wanting to bear chldren is underscored by a change the editors made to the Huguenot version from Kassel that they first published, in whch the mother never dies but lives to be envious of her beautiful offspring and act the villain's part. By changng the witch to be an evil stepmother, the reading of the tragic queen's chld-longing becomes sweeter and more poignant in the 1819 edition, and ultimately more admirable and imitable. Ths driving desire for a chld was increasingly emphasized throughout the KHM editions by the explicit selection of particular oral forms. With freedom to choose different variations of similar stories that were told to the brothers, they often elected to highlight longed-for births. "Der Teufel mit dem drei goldenen Haaren," mentioned above, is a revealing example of how the sources from whch the Grimms composed their tales sometimes determined the cultural position of the story. The original 1812 published version was drawn from an 10 r, ...die hatten sich schon lange ein Kind gewiinscht und nie eins bekommen, endlich aber ward [sic] die Frau guter Hoffnung." Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Rapunzel," in Kinder-und Haus-rnlirchelz 1812, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 38. 'I "Sneewittchen (Scl~neeweiiJchen)," ibid., 238-250. oral version in Hesse and begns with a love story, as do many other tales. But the Grimms wrote in their 1856 annotation that hs version was "much less complete," and in the 1819 edition of the KHM, they provided a tale under the same title initiated by a birth and a prophecy for the newborn cluld.12 Similarly, in the original 1812 opening of "Die Nelke" ("The Carnation," 76), the drama is concerned with courtly love and marriage, but is transformed into a story of longing for chldren in the 1819 revision. In the first telling of the tale, it starts with a lung who refuses to marry until one day he falls in love at first sight through the window. The result of hs union is mentioned only by "after the lapse of a year she bore a prince."13 For the 1819 publication, the editors not only Germanized the French "Prinz" to "Konigssohn" (King's son), but replaced the entire opening love story with a paragraph describing the cluldless queen's prayers to God for a son or daughter. To heighten the drama they inserted the phrase, "our Lord had forbidden that she bear any chldren."l"he emphasis on the tale of cluldbirth and the recurrent desire for offspring is evident in such "mixed" story versions, tales amalgamated by the Grimms from two or more oral sources. Stylistic changes constitute another editing choice that reveals the Grimms' intentions surprisingly clearly. Two examples can be traced in "Die Goldlunder" ("The Gold-Chldren," 85) and "Hans mein Igel" ("Hans My Hedgehog," 108). In "Die Goldlunder," a poor man hooks a golden fish three l2Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren," in Kinder und Hrzusrn~rdzei~, Anrnerkungelt ztl den eitzzelnen Mn'rchen, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: dritter Brz~~d: Philipp Reclam, 1984), 68. l3 "Nach Verlauf eines Jahrs gebar sie einen Prinzen.. ." Die Nelke," KHM 1812,351. l4I'. ..die hatte unser Herr Gott verschlossen, daiJ sie keine Kinder gebar." Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, "Die Nelke," in Kinder- utzd Hat~srnarclzen 1819, ed. Heinz Rolleke (Koln: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1982), 1:272. times. To be released, the magtc fish gves hm a palace and a bottomless food pantry. But the ultimate treasure, whch the fisher receives on the hrd catch, is two golden lilies in hs yard, two golden foals in the stable-and two golden chldren borne by the man's wife. This scene is present in the earliest 1812 edition, but by 1857 it is expanded from one sentence to its own prominent paragraph. In "Hans mein Igel," whch, like "Daumesdick," opens with an intense longing for family, the farmer's desire is described in only one initial sentence in 1815, but elaborated by 1857 to underscore his unhappiness. In these tales and others, the editing of the Grimm brothers highlights instances of chld longing and emphasizes births over other dramatic events. Perhaps the famous and eponymous "Rumpelstilzchen" ("Rumpelstiltskin," 55) states it most succinctly in a speech the Grimms wrote into the 1819 edition of the tale: "Something living is better to me than all the treasures of the w~rld."'~ "All the treasures of the world" is a phrase that appears more than once. A second key claim of the tales about pregnancy and birth is that having chldren is a reward and a prize for the parents. Three is the famously significant fairy tale number, and Rumpelstilzchen only asks for the first-born chld as compensation the thrd time he spins straw into gold for the miller's daughter. The baby is the most precious treasure. The mother echoes this in "Die drei Schwestern" ("The Three Sisters," 82 in 1812) when she says "her only chld was more dear to her than all the treasures of the world."16 Later, when she unexpectedly gves birth to a son, he is joyfully heralded as the "Wunderlund," wonder-chld. Furthermore, hs is an example of a particular lund of chld- 15 "etcvas Lebendes ist mir lieber, als alle Schatze der Welt." "Rumpelstilzchen," ibid., 1:199. 16 "ihr einziges Kind sey ihr lieber gewesen, als alle Schatze der Welt." "Die drei Schwestern," KHM 1812,371.Translation Zipes, 676-678. reward to be found in the tales: God's gft. In "Der Teufel mit dem drei goldenen Haaren," when, as mentioned above, the miller matter-of-factly adopts a foundling chld, he explains hmself thus: "God has blessed us with hs."17 And God enters the story of pregnancy of "Die Nelke" through the Grimms' editing in 1819. Such examples illustrate how the Grimms firmly established the religous virtue inherent to bearing and raising of chldren. But there are also more worldly implications of the "treasure" of chldbirth. In "Die Goldhnder," discussed above, the Grimms made a small stylistic change that effects a dramatically different tone for the section containing the arrival of the gold-chldren. In the 1812 edition, the fish, caught for the third time, tells the fisher that he will win all the gold prizes. For the 1857 version, the Grimms removed hs information from the fish's mouth, delaying the revelation of his prize of golden babies. The whole episode becomes more mysterious and valuable. In a tale like "Gottes Speise" ("God's Food," 205), which is one of the ten "chldren's legends" appended by the Grimms in 1819, we are taught that "money isn't everyhng."ls The chldless, rich sister of a poor widow with five chldren is painted in the most despicable light. By refusing her starving sister food, she causes the death of the entire pious family and God makes blood flow from the slices in her bread. Finally, we come to a more complicated example: In "Ferenand getrii, Ferenand ungetrii" ("Faithful Ferdinand and Unfaithful Ferdinand," 126), a rich couple do not bear any chldren until they lose their fortune. Their poverty in combination with the arrival of their son causes a series of problems, seeming to suggest that the poor l7"'Gott hat es uns beschert." "Der Teufel mit dem drei goldenen Haaren," KHM 1857,1:168. l6 "Gottes Speise," ibid., 2:437-438. ought not to have cluldren. Yet when the father is unable to find a godfather for hs baby because of the family's low economic status, it becomes a stroke of good fortune for the chld who receives a christening gift of a horse and castle from a stranger. In the end, therefore, Ferenand's upbringng in poverty is to his advantage. Regardless of the financial strain, whch does appear in other tales (e.g. "Hansel und Gretel," 15), having chldren is a prize to be won and rejoiced over, more important than wealth. What meanings, therefore, does barrenness carry? We have already seen how the Grimms emphasize longng for children as inevitable and automatic, and that chldbirth is labeled a treasure. The effects of childlessness reveal the hrd implicit statement the Grimms make in these tales concerning the longing for a chld. They come close to associating the inability to bear chldren with moral failing, as for the mother in "Das Eselein" ("The Donkey," 144). Though she and her husband are rich and have all they wish for, they have no cluldren. The queen laments, "I am like a field on whch nothing is awake."19 When the Grimms inserted a line in "Die Nelke" to establish the cause of the queen's infertility, the moral weight of barrenness was made more explicit: God's will forbids her pregnancy. In "Hans mein Igel" we see a bawdy scene of mockery that could easily be set in an early modern village. The childless farmer is unsatisfied with riches and land, because when he goes to town with the other farmers, "they taunted hm and asked why he had no ~hldren."~~ The farmer's anger leads to another implication of infertility: Chldless people are frequently portrayed as envious characters, as a result of their failure. l9"Ich bin wie ein Acker, auf dem nichts wachst." "Das Eselein," ibid., 2:252. 20 "spotteten sie und fragten, warum er keine Kinder hatte." "Hans mein Igel," ibid., 2:118. For example, when the farmer in "Hans mein Igel" finally becomes so furious at the townspeople's jibes and insinuations about hs childlessness, he makes the foolish mistake of wishng for any chld at all, even a hedgehog. The father of the thumb-sized chld in "Daumesdick" reveals hs sadness before hs son's arrival by comparing hs family situation to others': "'How sad it is that we have no chldren! It is so quiet at our home, and in other houses there is so much noise and merrines~."'~~ In "De drei Vugelkens," the two jealous sisters of the queen, without chldren of their own, throw their nephew in the Weser kver as soon as the lung leaves them alone with hs pregnant wife.22 After again attempting to murder another nephew and a niece, telling the lung that their sister had given birth to dogs and a cat, it seems they may escape with impunity for their evil deeds. But in a final comment on their double wickedness of envy and infertility, the last line of the story gives the niece in marriage to a prince and the two sisters burn at the stake.23 In these tales, then, we read of German families whose main purpose is propagation. An intense personal desire for hldren among those who are chldless is built on envy of more morally exemplary parents, and once received, chldren are labeled a treasure. Maria Tatar has noted, "the longing for a chld can be read as the desire for renewal, transformation, and rejuvenati~n."~"hle the symbolic significance of longing for chldren is interesting, there is also a strongly literal aspect of the privileging of birth-parents are intended to long for 2' "'Wie ist's so traurig, daS3 wir keine Kinder haben! Es ist so still bei uns, und in den andern Hausern ist's so laut und lustig."' "Daumesdick," ibid., 1:206. 22 "De drei Viigelkens," ibid., 2:65-69. 23 "De beiden falsken Siistern woren awerst verbrennt, un de Dochter friggede den Prinzen." "De drei Viigelkens," ibid., 2:69. 24 Maria Tatar, The Annotated Brotlzers Grirnnz (London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004), 234. actual chldren. Changes in the editions of the KHM show that the Grimms emphasized these views of pregnancy and cl-uldbirth in their molding of the original oral stories they recorded. Though the differences in the tales from 1812 to 1857 are not radical, minor additions, stylistic elaborations, and rewriting combine to reveal an attitude of the brothers that was at once in line with changing bourgeois attitudes and reactionary to developments in the hstory of the German family. Desire for chldren in the tales is profoundly tied to the changes in the fertility and mortality rates discussed in the introduction to hs chapter. The ramifications of these changes were felt throughout German culture. Michael Anderson writes that by the later nineteenth century, "a sustained decline was under way wluch was of crucial importance in malung possible new attitudes and experiences wihn the Western family."25 Thus arises the question whether the intense emphasis on the desire for children apparent in the MM can be read as a sign of the Grimms' reactionary conservatism, given the conscious limiting of cl-uldbearing apparently on the rise. Such a conclusion may bear some truth, but elements of the hstory of the family in the nineteenth century demonstrate a remarkable concordance between changing demography in German states and the Grimms' presentation of pregnancy and hldbirth. What appears to be reactionary is more complex. Longing for chldren portrayed in the tales shows approval of affection for individual chldren rather than encouragement to procreate for financial or social reasons. 25 Michael Anderson, Approaches to tlle Histoiy of tlze Wesfern Family 1500-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995),6-7. The importance of individual chldren, the key to hs assessment of the Grimms' attitude as forward loolung, can be seen in another demographc transition of the period. The infant mortality rate changed dramatically alongside the fertility decline, not following it. Though the German states had the hghest infant death rate in Europe, largely because mothers did not breastfeed babies, Germany also experienced the most significant decline in infant mortality in Europe during hs period.26 A group of scholars inspired by Phlippe Ari&sfs controversial book, Ce~zturies of Childlzood, argued that there was a connection between the greater chance of survival for infants and their parents' sentimental attachment to chldren. Ari2s proposed an arc of chldhood hstory in whch parents increasingly gained affection for chldren. His idea of the "discovery of childhood" that emerged in the nineteenth century is based on infant death rate decline, which challenged the "general feeling.. .that one had several chldren in order to keep just a few." 27 The emphasis on chldbirth in the tales is not an exhortation to bear as many offspring as possible to ensure the family's perpetuation, but is based in a new feeling that cluldren are precious as individuals. Thus it seems that the decline in family size was at least partially linked to an increasing appreciation of the individual child's person and worth. In these tales, the Grimms do give substantial weight to parents' desire for a chld and the importance of propagating the family. But these are not stories with eight or ten chldren, where the parents had to continue producing offspring in order to ensure the survival of the family. In fact, most characters who long for a cluld 26 Kertzer and Barbagli, Family Life, xxi-xxii. 27 Philippe Aries, Celzturies of Childlzood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1962),38. give birth to only one baby. Therefore, these stories appear to represent the new family demograpluc rather than the old. A family with many chldren is occasionally used as a shorthand indicator of poverty, whle the desire for one chld to care for is painted in a highly admiring light. One part of the Grimms' message in the KHM is reactionary. Proto- industrialization in German states that began during hs period allowed landless laborers to reproduce without waiting to inherit farms. The Grimms may have objected to the rise in infanticide and child abandonment that were linked to tlvs trend.2B They wanted couples to bear chldren out of personal longng and sober preparation. Though plenty of families in the tales have more than one chld, personal desire is at the heart of the plots identified in tlvs section, not financial motivation, and parents do not wish for children thoughtlessly. Edward Shorter, who followed in the Arihs school, described the change in sentiment: "chldren came to be prized for what they were, rather than for what they represented or could do."29 His understanding of the nineteenth-century transition may be too dramatic a claim, but it is certain that individual affection was a prime motivator in the picture of longing for chldren described in the KHM. The tales reflect an idealized life where chldren are a precious but essential element of the household, a prize to be passionately desired. As we saw in the attitude toward marriage discussed in the first part of tlus thesis, the Grimms conceived of the ideal German family in a particular way, emphasizing the desirability of affective relationshps. Another key element of the family that was to be the foundation of a unified German culture was a 2%nderson, Appronclzes, 58-60. 2' Edward Shorter, TIIe Making ofthe Modern Fn~nily(New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1975),5-6. loving relationshp between parent and chld. Fathers and mothers were to teach their chldren important values and transmit cultural traits; hs was all encouraged to arise from love. The best way to ensure that love was to make chldren the object of personal desire. The attitudes toward chldbirth shown in all the tales of the KHM are of course more complex than hs neat summary. Yet in combination with the demographc changes during the Grimms' careers, the various exhortations to bear and prize chldren, spoken and unspoken, add up to a convincing picture. Births were no longer common and an obligation, but rather the result of an intense longing for the clvld to be treasured and taught. Extramarital Conceptions A dramatic surge in illegitimacy rates swept Europe from the late eighteenth century to the middle of the nineteenth. Illegtimate births were relatively uncommon in Central Europe in the late eighteenth century when the Grimm brothers were born, though 18% of legtimate first births to a couple were the result of premarital conceptions. At the low point for illegtimate births of the 1700s, 2-4% of chldren were born to an unmarried mother. But by the 1850s the ratio of illegitimacy in the German states had climbed to 12%, an extraordinary increase.30 Regional variation shows the number reachng more than 15% in Saxony and 22% in Ba~aria.~' Historian Michael Phayer attributes the surge to the secularization of sex, which followed liberal Napoleonic reforms. He quotes one young woman of the period: "Malung babies has been permitted.. .The King has allowed it!"32 With such provocation, no wonder one priest in Ruprechstberg was driven to exclaim, "A Virgin! Rara A~is."~~ Thts anxious statement also clarifies why a discussion of extramarital sex belongs in an examination of pregnancy and births in fairy tales. In the hstorical record, the rates of illegitimate births are almost the only reliable source we have to determine changes in sexual activity of this period. And in the MM, the trope of "nine months later" is the primary evidence for extramarital sex. How did hs demographc change, surrounding the period of Jacob and Wilhelm Grimmsf lives and work, affect their depiction of extramarital conceptions in the tales? 30 After the surge in illeg~timacy rates, the illegitimacy ratio was 6% in England and 7% in France, for comparison. Josef Ehmer, "Marriage" in Family Life in tlze Long Ninefeenfl~ Celztuy 2789-1913, ed. David Kertzer and Marzio Barbagli (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002), 317-318. 31 Lee, "Bastardy and the Socioeconomic Structure of South Germany," 404-406. 32 "Kindermachen sei erlaubt.. .Der Konig hat's erlaubt!" J. Michael Phayer, Sexual Liber~fion and Religion in Nineteerlth Cenfily Europe (London: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977), 25. 33 Lee, "Bastardy and the Socioeconomic Structure of South Germany," 403. As discussed in the chapter introduction, hstorians disagree about the cause of the illegtimacy rise. Some argue it was the result of a sexual revolution, whle others refute any claim of attitudinal change. It is true that the full-fledged sexual revolution thesis argued by Edward Shorter and others is rather anachronistic, and goes too far in assigning cultural change to German society. But the Grimms were part of a cultural group who feared the growing permissiveness they perceived in lower class families. A changng attitude toward sex and birth bore great weight on the idea of a German nation cultivated by the Grimms in their tales. Ths section will present some elements of the hstorical picture that can be identified in the characters and language of the KHM. The tales reveal two aspects of family life that are relevant to a discussion of changing sexual mores: illegitimate births and premarital sexual behavior. Extramarital infidelity is of course also a significant theme and some of what Shorter and Michael Phayer discuss plays a part in scenes of unfaithfulness. But illegitimacy and courting practices are more closely linked to chldren and the perpetuation of family. Four stories explicitly present illegttimate conceptions; and among the four, the Grimms selected different innocuous sources for two, rewrote one after the first edition to make the births legitimate, and deleted the fourth from their collection entirely after 1812. "Der gelernte Jager" ("The Expert Huntsman," 111)tells the story of a young locksmith who ultimately finds success in life by conning three gants with hs sharpshooter slulls. With some minor changes, this is the form of the story published in every edition of the Grimms' collection. But their annotations of 1856 describe the original version of the story they heard from Dorothea Viehrnann of Zwehm. When the locksmith1 huntsman comes into the room of the enchanted princess, he lies down in the bed with her. She sleeps soundly, not even walung when he once again leaves. "When it appears that she is pregnant without knowing from whom, her angry father lets her be thrown in prison."34 The only solution available to the unfortunate young woman is to marry a dastardly servant ("ein gemeiner Diener") who claims responsibility for the chld, before our hero appears at the crucial moment to prove hs paternity and claim the princess. Despite the ultimate legtimization of the baby, in a period when premarital births were only increasing, the Grimms still chose not to use hs version of the story. In fact, by the 1857 edition the story includes hs line, at once to increase the sense of sexual danger and to glorify the hero's pure intentions: When the huntsman enters the sleeping princess's bedroom, he marvels, "How can I bring an undefiled maiden into the grip of those savage giants, who have evil on their minds."35 Even in their most faithfully scholastic period, the editors shed away from including an episode of premarital sex, despite claiming a fidelity to the oral form and the rough folktale. Similarly, for the Grimms' Sleeping Beauty story, "Dornroschen" ("Briar Rose," 50), they eschewed the common European tale that tells of the princess's unconscious impregnation by the hero. In versions such as seventeenth-century folklorist Giambattista Basile's Pentanzerorze, when the prince sees the sleeping princess, "her beauty set hm afire.. .he gathered the fruits of love and then left 34 "Als sich hernach zeigt daB sie schwanger ist ohne zu wissen von wem, la& sie ihr erziinter Vater ins Gefangnis werfen.. ." KHM: Anrnerkl~ngelr(1856),204. 35 "Wie darf ich eine unschuldige Jungfrau in die Gewalt der wilden Riesen bringen, die haben Boses im Sinn." "Der gelernte Jager," KHM 1857,2:132. her asleep in the bed."" She awakes neither during sex nor chldbirth. But after her twins are born, one of them eventually rouses her, whereupon she awakens, as clueless to the identity of her chldren's father as was the princess of "Der gelernte Jager." In their annotations, the editors praise Basile for being "the only one who preserved the beautiful storyline that the infant of the sleeping mother sucks the flax seed [wluch has activated the curse of long sleep] from the finger."37 Yet they never intended to publish a version of hs story that included her illicit impregnation. Once again, even the "acceptable" illegtimacy of premarital conceptions is wlutewashed from their collection. For "Rapunzel," the Grimms took a hfferent approach. Rather than searchng for a different source (whether oral or literary) that omitted illegitimacy, in their revision of 1819, Wilhelm Grimm changed merely a few lines. By referring to Rapunzel as the prince's "dear wifeu-despite the lack of any religious ceremony-Wilhelm legitimized the twins she bears after being cast out into the wilderness. And he changed a key moment: in the 1812 text, when Rapunzel naively asks the witch why her clothes have grown so tight after visits from the prince. In 1819, Rapunzel says instead, "Tell me, Mother Gothel, why it is so much heavier for me to pull you up than the young ~ing."~~ Once again, editorial changes swept away any implications of premarital sex. However, this seems not to be simply a predictable attempt to protect innocent minds from sexual behavior now considered licentious. The happy ending of the 36 Giambattista Basile, "The Sun, The Moon, and Talia," in Tlze Great Faiy Tale Traditiou: From Straparola alld Basile to the Brothers Grimnz, ed. Jack Zipes (New York and London: W.W. Norton and Co., 2001), 685-688. 37 ". . .der den schonen Zug allein bewahrt daG der Saugling der schlafenden Mutter die Agen aus dem Finger saugt" KHM: Alzrnerkillzgen (1856), 97. 3S "Sag' sie mir doch Frau Gothel, sie wird mir vie1 schwerer heraufzuziehen als der junge Konig." "Rapunzel," KHM 1819, 1:54. story is acheved when the prince finds Rapunzel and is reunited with their children. This episode underscores that, whle illegitimacy may be wrong and worth expurgation, marriage and babies are certainly the worthy goal. The Grimms did not want to sell a book to chldren that portrayed premarital sex in a laughng, easy way; nevertheless, though laclung an official or religous marriage, the twins Rapunzel conceives out-of-wedlock are part of her good fortune in the talels end. The fourth story with an incident of premarital sex and an illegitimate birth is "Hans Dumm" ("Simple Hans," 54 in 1812). In the publication of hs tale in the Grimms' first volume, we see that premarital sex was not necessarily insurmountable in folklore that predated the Grimms. When the princess gives birth to a chld without knowing who the father is, the solution is to find one and legitimate the baby. Ultimately, tfus story is less about the princess's unexpected baby and more about the magical powers of the "simple" hunchback who claims her and then turns into a prince. But it is an interesting case for the discussion at hand, because the Grimms neither tried to find a "purer" source to eliminate the illegitimacy nor to change the style of the tale enough to write it out of the plot. Instead, they simply deleted it from any editions after the 1812 volume. On the margins of a first-edition manuscript where the Grimms planned many of their changes for the second publication, one of the brothers scribbled, "cfr. another recension" (look for another version)." And in hs annotations on the marginalia, Heinz Rolleke notes, "That the text was not accepted for the second 39 "cfr. andere Recension" "Hans Dumm," KHM 1812,250. edition of 1819, we find also no consideration of a re~ision."~~ The erasure of the tale was ostensibly the result of its origin: a French story transmitted to the collectors by the Huguenot family Hassenpflug. But other stories of French derivation remain in the collection, even with heavy editing by the Grimms. Thus, there is somehng else beyond their distaste for the tale. Hans Dumm's magical power is that he wins what he wishes, and the Grimms Qd not want to publish a story in whch he uses that power to wish unmarried women pregnant. The German family they were shaping would include neither French culture nor illegitimacy. Illicit births are not the only portrayal in the KHM of the lund of activity Shorter claims for his "sexual revolution." Many tales that originally included episodes of premarital sexual activity were rewritten or removed by the editors, but it is interesting to note what tones of sexual behavior were preserved in the final 1857 edition. Some references to sex in courtshp practices and infidelity are simply vestigal reminders of many tales' folk sources, but the others fall into two categories. First, sex is presented to heroes in several stories as a form of reward. Apart from the added economic benefits of marriage to a princess, there are many moments in the tales when women are shown expressing their grateful affection to the (male) heroes who have rescued them. Ths can be as simple and innocuous a gesture as when the cheerful tailor in "Die beiden Wanderer" ("The Two Travelers," 107) looks for work: "and if he had good luck, the master's 40 "Da der Text nicht in die Aweitauflage von 1819 iibernommen w~urde, fand auch die 'andere Recension' keine Beriicksichtigung." Heinz Rolleke, Kinder- t~tzd Hat~sn~archetz (18121 1815): Transkriptiotzelz z~nd Kommenfare (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1986), 28. daughter would gve hm a luss on ks way out the door."" 'De beiden Konigshnner" ("The Two ang's Children," 113), a tale printed throughout the editions in its original Paderborn dialect, provides an even stranger example: the word "lusen," or in High German, "lausen." It means "to louse," to pick through someone's hair in an intimate fashon loohng for lice. It is what the youngest princess does for the anxious hero three times before she puts hm to sleep and calls for her gnomes to complete his work. In "Dat Erdmanneken" ("The Gnome," 91), whch is also preserved in dialect, we see "lousing" again, when three princesses are forced to pick for lice on multi-headed dragons. They are released from their enslavement by Hans, whereupon: "The princess jumped up, threw her arms around hm, and hssed hm many times. Then she took her necklace of pure gold and hung it around hs neck.. .Now they were all enormously happy and could not stop hugging and hssing him."" Note that the monetary prize of the gold necklace is paired with extensive physical adoration. And when two other huntsmen try to cheat Hans out of his victory, the real sin is that the princesses, labeled as Hans's rightful reward, are gven in marriage to the evil men. But certainly the most obvious example of the premarital courtshp practices that Michael Phayer argues became more sexualized during ks period occurs in "Der arme Miillerbursch und das Katzchen" ("The Poor Mller's Apprentice and the Cat," 106). German scholar Maria Tatar describes the story as "wallung the tightrope between adult entertainment and primer for '' "wenn das Gldck gut war, so gab ihm die Meistertochter unter der Haustiire auch noch einen Kuf3 auf den Weg." "Die beiden Wanderer," KHM 1857,2:107. 42 "De Kunigsdochter sprank up un fa1 unne um den Hals un drucket un piepete (kuf3te) iinn so viel un niimmet ihr Bruststiicke, dat wor von rauen Golle west, un henget iinne dat umme.. .Do froget se sich alle so viel un drucketen un piepeten ohne Uphoren." "Dat Erdmanneken," KHM 1857,2:42-43. Translation Zipes, 336. chldren.. .filled with possibilities for bawdy improvisations." It tells the story of a lucky miller's apprentice who encounters a tallung cat whom he serves for seven years in order to win a beautiful horse. When the cat first brings hm home to her castle, there are a series of innuendoes that would have provided the storyteller, as Tatar observes, with plenty of room for sexual suggestiveness. First, the cat asks after dinner, "'Now come, Hans, and dance with me.' 'No,' he answered, 'I never dance with a lutten, that I have never done. 'Then take hm to hs bed' she says to the little cat-servants." What follows is a description of the cats stripping Hans, and if that is not obvious enough for the reader, the cats all turn into princesses and ladies-in-waiting by the end of the story. All hs remains in the tale throughout the Grimms' editions, marlung the sexual overtones as a reward to Hans. There is a second indication of premarital sex in the tales, when sexually transgressive characters and episodes are retained in some story lines as a foil to the pure model the Grimms cultivate for Geman chldren. The most gruesome and dramatic example of hs is the story "Der Rauberbrautigam" ("The Robber- bridegroom," 40). The heroine of the tale visits her betrothed in a spirit of foreboding that is confirmed when she learns that hs house is a den of heves. She is forced to hde behnd a barrel, and she watches as: the godless gang came to the house. They brought another maiden, draggng her with them, they were drunk and they did not listen to her screams and moans. They gave her wine to drink, three glasses full, one glass of whte, one glass of red, and one glass of yellow, afterwards her heart burst. Then they ripped off her fine clothes, lay her on the table, chopped up her beautiful body in pieces and sprinkled them with salt.43 43 ". . .kam die gottlose Rotte nach Haus. Sie brachten eine andere Jungfrau mitgeschleppt, waren trunken und horten nicht auf ihr Schreien und Jammern. Sie gaben ihr Wein zu trinken, drei Glaser voll, ein Glas weiiSen, ein Glas rotten und ein Glas Gelben, davon zersprang ihr das Herz. Ths tale is already effective as a horror story of violent sexuality, with all the implications of serial rape and cannibalism. But another layer still is added because the witness of the crime, the heroine through whose eyes we see, is engaged to the murderer. It is her innocent, premarital state, in contrast to hs depravity, whch makes the story successful. Scenes of premarital courtshp that involve sexual behavior or other surprising moments remain in the stories even after the Grimms completely sanitize the tales of other elements. In "Das Eselein," the father recalls the image of a chvaree when he hdes in hs daughter's bridal chambers because "he wanted to know, whether the donkey would be well-behaved and well- mannered."4"n "Jorinde und Joringel" ("Jorinda and Joringel," 69) and "Der liebste Roland" ("Sweetheart Roland," 56), the couplesf courting is interrupted by witchcraft that invokes a series of sexual symbols, like the maiden as a rose on the thornbush of the lover. Why retain these scenes and erase signs of illegitimacy? The Grimm brothers belonged to the same social class as their audience, and one could assume that the brothers' stifling of bawdy passages in the tales constituted an attempt to appease their bourgeois readers. It might seem that, as far as they were concerned, there was no such hng as Shorter's "sexual revolution." Yet in their very concern for a new attitude to illegitimacy and extramarital sex, the Grimms reveal a bourgeois obsession with what many did consider a revolution. The quote about "hdermachen" so conveniently Darauf rissen sie ihr die feinen Kleider ab, legten sie auf einen Tisch, zerhackten ihren schonen Leib in Stiicke und streuten Salz dariiber." "Der Rauberbrautigam," KHICll857,1:220-221. 44 'I.. .wollte der Konig wissen, ob sich das Eselein auch fein artig und manierlich betriige" "Das Eselein," ibid., 2:254. furnished by Phayer above (that "the lung has allowed it"), that shows the licentious attitude of young "rustics," was drawn from an archve in Munich. Phayer argues that it demonstrates a widespread sexual revolution. But perhaps even more, hs example demonstrates the fear of such a revolution, fear shared by the Grimms. The source was a letter from Seinsheim to the Unister of the Interior, and once again, we see the dismay of the upper classes at the supposed sexual liberation of the times. Whether it was a full-blown sexual revolution that the Grimms were resisting, or simply the ebb and flow of a socioeconomic condition is less important to understanding the KHM than the edtors' position on extramarital sex. Maria Tatar wrote, "the nuclear family furnishes the fairy tale's main cast of characters just as family conflict constitutes its most common subject. When it came to passages colored by sexual details or to plots based on Oedipal conflicts, Wilhelm Grimm exhbited extraordnary editorial zeal."" It is true that the Grimms' versions of the tales reflect an increasingly vocal bourgeois anxiety about sexual licentiousness in the worlung class, but they also contributed to a cultural shft that transcended whatever complex of factors caused the demographc change. Josef Ehmer observes that for middle-class Germans by the late nineteenth century, "the principle of pre-marital chastity-for women-seems to have become even more rigd than it had been at the begnning of the The removal of sexually transgressive content from the Grimms' enterprise would appear to harmonize with Ehmer's thesis. Equally, the 45 Maria Tatar, The Hard Facts ofthe Griinins' Fairy Tales (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2003), 10. 46 Ehmer, "Marriage," 320. emphasis on sexual purity that is heightened through the retention of sexually tinged moments in the tales fits the changing Zeitgeist. Conclusion Propagation and perpetuation are essential to the ideal families of the Grimms' tales. Every step of the process of chldbirth is ready material for the plots and characters of these stories, and the Grimms only heightened that importance through their work on the collection. In thls concern for birth and chldren, we can see the impact of dramatic demographc transitions that swept the German states in the early nineteenth century. What is also evident is the importance of family structure and chldbirth to the emerging nationalism. The Grimms positioned their imagined family as the foundation of a German nation, unified around common cultural values. Through the selection and editing of tales that they identified as part of the German cultural heritage, the Grimms established ideal behavior regarding chldbirth and sex. By hghlighting the virtue of longing for chldren, the Grimms give one answer to the fertility decline of the nineteenth century. In the KliM, chldren are an automatically desirable reward to chldless parents, and barrenness is presented as a moral failing. Rather than being reactionary to the falling birth rate, thls attitude is actually consistent with the growing sentiment that chldren were individually precious, and not simply figures in family economics. The Grimms advocate in the tales for a bourgeois concern that the family be united by loving bonds in private order to be a stronger unit in public-the state. The editing of illegitimacy and sexually controversial material in the KF1M was clearly conducted for a particular audience, revealing the importance of these tales to the Grimms as a tool of cultural education. Ruth Bottigheimer argues that "the Grimms scrubbed [the tales] clean for a readershp they had come to perceive as youthful rather than scholarly."" Ths whtewashg is certainly present in their removal of the theme of illegitimacy, despite the actual rise of illegtimate births in Central Europe during the period. And yet while scenes of illegtimacy were apparently too much to leave in their collection, the Grimms did retain other scenes of extramarital sexual behavior. The question might appear to be whether the tales betray a sexual revolution of the early nineteenth century or not. But whle a single source cannot answer that, it is clear from the changes in editions over time that the Grimms feared a sexual revolution that would undermine legtimate births in the bonds of family love. Furthermore, through the influence of their collection, Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm contributed to the creation of a culture in whch certain sexual behaviors were encouraged whle others were stigmatized. The aim and result of sexual activity was the birth of chldren, an act labeled as the most morally sound in the stories. It may be hard to establish how successfully the Grimms communicated hs message to children reading or hearing the tales. Yet their efforts, inspired by and in reaction to the changing social, religous, and political environment, transform one picture of German life in 1812 to another in 1857 with an insistent message about the purpose of chldren and sex. 47 Ruth Bottigheimer, Gritnins' Bad Girls & Bold Boys: Tlze Moral & Social Vision of the Tales (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 157. Over the past year, the experience of writing hs thesis has been markedly different from other academic projects that I have discussed with friends. Whle many people do not have much to say about women in Tokugawa Japan or the revision of Soviet hstory, everyone has access to fairy tales. What struck me about th~s was not just that people had heard of the topic of my thesis, but the consistency with whch everyone interested in the project brought up the same idea: the violence in the Grimms' tales compared to modern versions. Time after time, the theme of the grotesque appeared in such discussion^.^ It is true that modern American fairy tales intended for chldren are rarely as violent as some of the more extreme episodes in the KHM. Maria Tatar has spent much of her career demonstrating that the Grimms, in fact, increased the violent nature of the tales across editions.' But in the context of my project, this became a frustrating conversation. For whle I obviously was proud that my thesis topic proved interesting to so many other people, I am uneasy with several ideas implicit to this fascination with violence in German tales. First, the concept of an original form of a story that has been censored for modern consumption is clearly problematic. A popular book coauthored by Tatar sensationally titled Grimm's Grimmest claims ' Curiously, in these interactions, someone would invariably mentioned the gruesome punishments of "Aschenputtel" ("Cinderella, 21), demonstrating the viral spread of our cultural contact with folklore. Maria Tatar, Olff With Their Heads!: Fairy Tales and tlze Culture of Clzildlzood (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1992).Maria Tatar, Tlze Hard Fncts of flze Grimnzs' Fairy Tales (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2003). on the back of a black and red Gohc cover to present the "original, unsanitized" versions of the Grimms' tales.3 Even if it were possible to identify the original form of a tale, it would not be from the 1822 edition on whch this book relies, positioning the Grimms as true, ancient folklore. What drives this desire to "reveal" the truly violent nature of the KHM? Partly, to be sure, there is an iconoclastic delight in identifying subtle scandal in what has become the paragon of innocent chldhood entertainment. But there is somehng more specific at work in hs interest in the horror of the "original" German tales. I discovered through worlung on hs thesis a common fascination with the implications of the grotesque for German national identity-and the implications of its absence for our own. Ths recognition was somewhat unsettling. Nevertheless, I realized that ths point demonstrates, however anachronistically, one of the Grimms' central aims: that fantastic tales for chldren can protect and promote national characteristics. The theme of the grotesque and violence as punishment is beyond the scope of hs thesis, though its place in the KHM is clearly more complicated than popular modern understanding of violence as a signal of German nature. But on a broader scale, the connection between the stories in the KHM and nationalism is relevant to hs project. We have seen that the family was a crucial space for the Grimms to develop their ideal German culture. Their conception of a German nation founded in a common cultural inheritance was informed by the political ideals of other bourgeois intellectuals of their time, just as the portrayal of family in the Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, GrirnnzS Grinznzest, with an introduction by Maria Tatar (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1997). KHM matches particular developments in family hstory of the early nineteenth century. The Grimms advocated loving relationshps as the function of family, encouraging affective bonds between husbands and wives and privileging childbirth as a precious choice rather than an economic necessity. The widespread development of personal relationships can be seen everywhere in the Grimms' work and lives. Once during a rare separation, Wilhelm wrote to Jacob, "I don't know anytlvng to tell you about the first days [after you left] except to say that I was very sad and am still now melancholy and want to cry when I hnk that you have gone. When you left, I thought my heart would tear in two."9oth tlvs effusive language and their profound bond are reflected in the relationshps of the KHM. The significance of this analysis is partly dependent on a difficult topic not addressed here: not simply the production of meaning on the part of the Grimms, but the reception of their ideas by chldren. Hard to assess-haase; Nevertheless, what is possible to determine from the sources we have, is that the Grimms believed chldren's reception of these tales was essential to the development of a common German culture. Defending their inclusion of "certain states and relationshps that occur every day," whle admitting to the excision of some controversial material, the Grimms gave one of their most profound statements about the purpose of their collection in the preface to the 1819 edition.' No longer was their aim merely scholarly, to preserve ancient languages and customs. They wrote in hs preface that "Chldren may read the Jack Zipes, Tlze Brothers Griinnz: Frorn Elzchalzted Forests to the Modern World (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002),8. "gewisse Zustande und Verhaltnisse hat, wie sie taglich vorkommen.. ." "Vorrede," Kinder- und Hat~srniirchen1819, reprinted in Kinder-und Hn~~snziirche~z 1857 ed. Heinz Rolleke (Stuttgart: Phlipp Reclam, 1984), 1:17. stars without fear, whle others, after the folk superstition, offend the angel^."^ Their dry act of preservation was given new vitality and intent with the recognition of a chld audience, to educate in all the beauty of life and poetry they f ound-and emphasized-in the oral tradition. "Kinder deuten ohne Furcht in die Sterne, wahrend andere, nach dem Volksglaube, die Engel darnit beleidigen." "Vorrede," KHM 1819, reprinted in 1857,1:18. TALESCITEDIN THE THESIS Der Froschkonig oder der eiserne Heinrich (The Frog-&ng, or Iron Heinrich) Katz und Maus in Gesellschaft (Cat and Mouse in Companionshp) Der getreue Johannes (Faithful Johannes) Rapunzel (Rapunzel) Die drei Mannlein im Walde (The Three Little Gnomes in the Forest) Die drei Spinnerinnen (The Three Spinners) Hansel und Gretel (Hansel and Gretel) Die drei Schlangenblatter (The Three Snake Leaves) Die weii3e Schlange (The Whte Snake) Das tapfere Schneiderlein (The Brave Little Tailor) Der Ratsel (The Rddle) Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren (The Devil With the Three Gold Hairs) Das Madchen ohne Hande (The Maiden Without Hands) Daumesdick (Thumbling) Die Hochzeit der Frau Fuchsin (The Wedding of Mrs. Fox) Der Rauberbrautigarn (The Robber-Bridegroom) Der Gevatter Tod (Godfather Death) Dornroschen (Briar Rose) Fundvogel (Foundling Bird) Konig Drosselbart (King Thrushbeard) Sneewittchen (Snow Whte) Rumpelstilzchen (Rumpelstiltslun) Der liebste Roland (Sweetheart Roland) Der Frieder und das Catherlischen (Freddy and Katie) Die drei Federn (The Three Feathers) Die zwolf Jager (The Twelve Huntsmen) Jorinde und Joringel (Jorinda and Joringel) Sechse kommen durch die ganze Welt (Six Advance Through the Whole World) Die Nelke (The Carnation) Hans Heiratet (Hans Marries) Die Goldlunder (The Gold-Chldren) Der Konig vom goldenen Berg (The Singing, Springing Lark) Die Gansemagd (The Goose Girl) Dat Erdmanneken (The Gnome) Der Konig vom goldenen Berg (The IGng of the Golden Mountain) Die kluge Bauerntochter (The Clever Farmer's Daughter) De drei Viigelkens (The Three Little Birds) Des Teufels rdiger Bruder (The Devil's Sooty Brother) Der Barenhauter (The Bearskn) Die klugen Leute (The Clever People) Der arme Mullerbursch und das Katzchen (The Poor Miller's Apprentice and the Cat) Die beiden Wanderer (The Two Travelers) Hans mein Igel (Hans My Hedgehog) Der gelernte Jager (The Expert Huntsman) De beiden Konigslunner (The Two Ing's Chldren) Die klare Some bringt's an den Tag (The Bright Sun Brings It to Light) Ferenand getrii, Ferenand ungetrii (Faithful Ferdinand and Unfaithful Ferdinand) Die faule Spinnerin (The Lazy Spinner) Die vier kunstreichen Briider (The Four Shllful Brothers) Die sechs Diener (The Six Servants) Die weisse und die schwarze Braut (The Whte and the Black Bride) Der Eisenhans (Iron Hans) Das Eselein (The Donkey) Die Brautschau (The Bride Exhbition) Der glaserne Sarg (The Glass Coffin) Der fade Heinz (Lazy Heinz) Der Vogel Greif (The Griffin) Lieb und Leid Teilen (Sharing Joys and Sorrows) Die Ganshrtin am Brunnen (The Goose-girl at the Spring) Die Nixie im Teich (The Nixie in the Pond) Die Geschenke des kleinen Volkes (The Gifts of the Little Folk) Die wahre Braut (The True Bride) Der Hase und der Igel (The Hare and the Hedgehog) Spindel, Weberschffen, und Nadel (Spindle, Shuttle, and Needle) Der Trommler (The Drummer) 011 Rinkrank (Old Rznkrank) Jungfrau Maleen (Maid Maleen) Gottes Speise (God's Food) Omitted Tales (numbers from the 18121 1815 Table of Contents) Hans Dumm (Simple Hans) Die drei Schwestern (The Three Sisters) Grinzms: Texts and Translations Grimm, Jacob and Wilhelm. 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